Office of the Historian
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File No. 763.72/1276

The Ambassador in Turkey (Morgenthau) to the Secretary of State

No. 127]

Sir: I have the honor to forward you the following account of the severing of the diplomatic relations between the Entente powers and Turkey, and of the present situation here.

On October 24, I was told by the English and Russian Ambassadors that the Germans were exerting extraordinary pressure to force the Ottoman Government into the general war and they evidently feared the success of this pressure as they sent me that day many cases of documents and valuables for safe-keeping. No immediate developments followed, however, and although on the 26th the British sent me their archives, the tension seemed little more than it has been for some weeks.

On the 29th the British Ambassador received a telegram from Cairo stating that Bedouins had crossed the frontier and were headed toward the Suez Canal. The possibility of this action (and its results) has been the matter largely responsible for the tension here, as when Sir Louis Mallet a short time ago asked the Grand Vizier to guard the Egyptian boundaries, he received the reply that there were no boundaries between Egypt and the Ottoman Empire. Sir Louis wrote me that this Bedouin invasion might cause war and requested me in that event to take charge of British interests here. I agreed to do this and also to take charge of French and Belgian interests subject to the Department’s approval.

The Sublime Porte replied to Sir Louis’ representations that it was true that Ottoman authorities had induced Bedouins on Egyptian territory to try to prevent the destruction of certain wells which the English were destroying as a military precautionary measure, but that it was not true that Ottoman Bedouins had gone into Egypt. Moreover, the Minister of War at once telegraphed the Ottoman [Page 137] commander in Syria to recall any of the latter who might have entered Egypt without his knowledge. This same day the Minister of the Interior told me that he did not expect war immediately, but at the same time his conversation clearly showed a German bias and the possibility of war at any moment.

On the evening of the 29th, the British Ambassador received the following telegram from his Consul General at Odessa:

This port was raided by three torpedo boats before dawn this morning. The Russian gunboat Donetz was sunk in harbor and a part of the crew killed and wounded. Two Russian dreadnoughts were damaged, French ship Portugal was sunk and two of the crew killed and two wounded. Further shells were fired on the town and the sugar factory was damaged with some loss of life. The Governor states that the raiding vessels were Turkish.

The Minister of the Interior stated on that evening that he had heard of an engagement but that he had known nothing of it beforehand, and since then he has said that this action took place without orders from the Sublime Porte and that responsibility for it rests entirely with Admiral Souchon of the Goeben. While it is doubtful whether the Ministers of War and of the Interior were as completely in ignorance as to what happened as they stated, the action was undoubtedly planned and executed by the German naval officers. The raiding vessels were officered by Germans and it is said some of the few Turkish officers and some of the crew had been given a holiday for the Turkish Bairam. It was also a German officer who, it is said, without direct orders, closed the Dardanelles, and it was the increasing number of German naval officers here that caused the British naval commission to leave Turkey. The Entente Governments have been extraordinarily patient the last few months and have borne severe annoyances with a mere protest. The Turkish authorities themselves have not seemed to desire war but have fallen more and more under the influence and power of the Germans. There are now about 4,000 German officers, sailors, and soldiers on Turkish warships and in her forts, and this, together with the Goeben and Breslau controlling the Black Sea, has placed the country under German domination. The German admiral with a full realization of this, precipitated matters without even waiting to see if the last Egyptian difficulty would not cause war, and brought about the Black Sea raid.

It is said that besides the above attack at Odessa other Turkish ships at the same time bombarded Sebastopol and Theodosia and sunk fourteen or more merchant ships on the Black Sea. The incredible Turkish version of the affair is that a Russian mine layer was approaching the Bosphorus to mine the entrance and cut off the return of the maneuvering Turkish ships, and that the Russian Fleet had in other ways prevented the maneuvering of the Turkish Fleet, and that therefore the Turks attacked them.

Early on October 30, the Russian Ambassador demanded his passports and his action was followed by the English and French Ambassadors. At their request the Italian Ambassador and I called on the Minister of the Interior and urged prompt and courteous action toward the departing Ambassadors. This was promised and also that safe-conduct should be granted British and French Consuls. Russian Consuls must remain till Russia has given safe-conduct [Page 138] to Ottoman Consuls, and neither they nor Russian citizens have yet received permission to depart. The Italian Embassy has taken charge of Russian interests.

When on the 31st the Ottoman authorities realized what the results of the action in the Black Sea were going to be, they were rather stunned. The Minister of the Interior asked me as a personal favor to him to ascertain what apology or action of the Sublime Porte would pacify the Russian Government, and later on in the day the Minister of Agriculture made the same request. I asked this question of the Russian Ambassador who said that his instructions were to demand his passports and he knew that only the dismissal of all the German officers, sailors, and soldiers now in Turkish employ would placate his Government. He further remarked that Russia might abstain from declaring war if the Sublime Porte should guarantee that the Turkish Fleet should not again enter the Black Sea. After the Minister of Interior heard this answer, there was a conference at the Grand Vizier’s and the Minister of the Interior called at the Embassy and stated that the Grand Vizier had requested him to deliver a message to the effect that the Russian Ambassador’s statement should be sent to the Sublime Porte in writing, that it would be considered and that neither proposition was declined. But he informed me that a majority of the Cabinet, including himself, were in favor of war. I told the Minister of the Interior that I had put his questions to the Russian Ambassador as a personal favor to him, and that my activity in the matter must end with my delivering the Russian Ambassador’s answer to him. If he, the Minister of the Interior, desired to do anything further in the matter, he must do so through the Italian Ambassador who was to have charge of Russian affairs.

The following Cabinet Ministers were opposed to the war and have resigned: Djavid Bey, Minister of Finance, a Deunmé; Mahmoud Pasha, Minister of Public Works, a Laz; Bustany Effendi, Minister of Commerce and Agriculture, a Christian Arab; and Oskan Effendi, Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, an Armenian. The Cabinet is thus now composed of Moslem Turks. Only one new man has been so far appointed, namely, Nessimi Bey, a strong Union and Progress committeeman, Minister of Commerce and Agriculture. Talaat Bey, the Minister of the Interior, is looking after the Department of Finance, while Chukri Bey, the Minister of Public Instruction, now has charge of the Ministry of Posts and Telegraphs; and Djemal Pasha, Minister of Marine, has taken over the Department of Public Works. The Grand Vizier, Said Halim Pasha, was also opposed to this war and wished to resign but was finally persuaded to stay in office by the promise of conservatism in the war. His remaining in office is an excellent thing for foreigners.

On the 31st, I also consented to take care of Servian interests here if necessary and if the Department approved.

At 9 p.m., on November 1, the British and French Ambassadors left for Dedeagach by a special train. There was much confusion and some rough handling of the crowd in the station, largely owing to the fact that a train for English and French citizens, due to leave at 7.15, had been stopped by the military authorities and the people who had planned to take it were still in the station. The military authorities, of whom the chief of staff is a German, have [Page 139] steadily put difficulties in the way of English and French leaving and claim that too much leniency is shown to the French and English by the civil authorities, but I have secured the final departure of every train planned.

On that evening the War Minister’s excuse for not permitting the train to depart was that a promise should first be received to permit Turkish subjects in England and Egypt to go. This promise has since been given on British Ambassador’s authority and Turkish officials have promised to pursue a liberal policy towards foreigners in Constantinople.

On this same day the English sank two Turkish vessels near Smyrna and the Russians crossed the frontier near Erzerum.

On November 2, a special train left with over two hundred French and English. Every facility was this time granted by Turkish officials. The next evening, however, a similar special train was stopped at the last minute by orders from the Minister of War. I was at the station and immediately motored to the house of the Minister of the Interior. He informed me this must be an order emanating from the German Chief of Staff and proceeded to reach the Minister of War on the telephone and tell him that his promise to me must be kept. The train finally left two hours late. On the morning of the 5th, the ordinary outgoing train containing many English and French was not allowed to go because of War Department’s order. The Minister of War, Enver Pasha, called on me later that morning and informed me this order was due only to a misunderstanding regarding a new law of twenty-four hours notice of departure. This law seems reasonable as its purpose is to permit the authorities to see that taxes, etc. have been paid.

Enver also said at this interview that his Government only wished to enforce such rules regarding citizens of hostile countries as the European nations were enforcing and that Turkey intended to wage this war with self-control and no greater hardship to non-combatants than war measures necessitated. This remark has up to this time appeared sincere for I have, by a policy of not irritating the authorities about small matters, succeeded in carrying all important points. This success is largely due to the fact that I have been enabled to maintain the most cordial and almost intimate relations with Talaat and Enver, the Ministers of the Interior and of War, who are the two most powerful members of the Cabinet. They have recently often consulted me about matters of the greatest importance. I have scrupulously followed your directions not to volunteer advice but have given it unstintingly when asked. These Ministers have never doubted America’s sincere friendship for Turkey as they realize we are the only great power with no ulterior motive toward them.

On November 3, I at last succeeded in obtaining a promise from the Minister of the Interior that all French and English subjects in the Empire might depart or remain as they elect. The announcement of this decision allayed all feeling of panic regarding concentration camps and was thankfully received by the nationals in question. Employees of telephone company, banks, etc., can now remain in their positions. The Minister of the Interior also told me, however, that this order had been only grudgingly permitted by [Page 140] the military authorities and that it would only hold good so long as Beirut or any other unfortified town was not bombarded by the Allies. If this should happen, no subject of a belligerent state would be permitted to depart. The Turks would consider such a bombardment outrageous and would wreak their vengeance on the only English and French they can reach, namely those in their dominions. The commander of their Syrian army remarked that he would take three lives for that of every Turkish civilian’s lost in such a bombardment.1 As it will take at least fifteen days to give British and French in interior time to depart, I telegraphed the situation to our Ambassadors in London and Paris as well as to the Department. Enver Pasha has since informed me that he is willing to come to some special agreement with regard to Smyrna which is a partially fortified town. From Constantinople itself most of the English and French have departed. The list of those who have gone includes the following: Sir Adam Block, president of the council of the Ottoman Public Debt; Robert Graves, adviser to the Ministry of the Interior; Sir Richard Crawford, financial adviser to Ottoman Government; Orme Clark, legal adviser to the Ministry of Justice; Mr. Henry Pears, a leading barrister; Reginald Whittall, a merchant, all English, and the following French: La Boulinière, the French delegate to the Ottoman Public Debt; Count Ostrorog, legal adviser to the Sublime Porte.

While the authorities have so far been moderate, some very stringent laws have been passed, as enclosure No. 12 regarding the amount of gold anyone leaving the country may take with him shows. A death penalty has been established for anyone concealing wireless apparatus. I turned over to the police one old wireless aerial which was found in the British Embassy when I took charge, and in that way avoided the Turkish request to search that Embassy. A severe penalty has been decreed for the spreading of any information regarding military movements and the military authorities are taking a close control of everything.

On November 4, I had a conference with the German Ambassador who controls the German-Turkish army officers and obtained his promise of hearty cooperation in getting the English and French out of the country as long as Turkish towns are not bombarded. As the leader of the Germans in this country, he is now a very powerful man. At my departure I noticed the arrival of the Ministers of War and Marine and of the Interior and the President of the Chamber of Deputies who were coming to consult with him. He anticipates no trouble in Constantinople and, indeed, thus far not only have Americans been all absolutely safe but I have been able to protect all English and French. At my request four English held prisoners—Stanley Morton, William Stevens, George Mills, and Sabator Corpola—have been released, and all leading Turkish officials have proved most amenable. That things are now so satisfactory is, however, not the least guaranty that they will remain so in a country used to kaleidoscopic changes. If the Turks later have their backs to the wall, no one can prophesy what will occur.

[Page 141]

Enclosure No. 21 deals with the holy war that is being preached here now. The Ikdam is not an official paper, however, although it must pass the Government censor. That a holy war, a war which by its nature is waged against all Christians, should be officially declared by a Government allied with Christian nations seems highly improbable. Talk of it is permitted in order to make more popular a war that has been begun by a divided Cabinet and without the least popular demand.

With regard to the interior our Consul at Beirut wires that all is quiet there, but Consuls at Smyrna and Alexandretta report thorough preparations to burn those cities if at any time it became necessary to evacuate them.

On October 30, the port of Smyrna was closed. In Jerusalem the Turkish military authorities have taken supervisory control of the French and English banks. There has been a rumor that the military in Constantinople would take possession of funds of Ottoman Bank here, but there has been nothing so far to prove it. I have permitted the Crédit Lyonnais and other French and English banks to deposit some of their funds in the Embassy.

As regards the military situation, the Minister of War informs me that he has 850,000 men under arms, but he admits that some have very old guns and are to be used only where there is no conflict expected. He has also 100,000 gendarmes. This is probably somewhat exaggerated, but the Turkish army may number 600,000. The Russians have crossed the frontier at Erzerum and their numbers are variously estimated at from 200,000 to 400,000. According to the German Ambassador, the Turks plan a defensive warfare only. There are rumors, however, that Turkish troops are being shipped to Batum with the hope of being able to place the Russians in the Caucasus between two fires. One or more submarines are reported to have been received in sections from Germany together with other war supplies and money. The English are from time to time bombarding the forts at entrance of the Dardanelles. Commander McCauley reports that there are but 15,000 tons of British coal in Constantinople. It is said that there is a daily output of 500 tons from the Turkish mines at Heraclea. A month or two may see this inferior Turkish coal pretty well exhausted and a question arising as to the food supply.

I have [etc.]