Input: The city where Dmitry Borisovich was born is located where in Russia?

Context:
Passage 1:
Kaributas
Kaributas (Koribut, Korybut, baptized Dmitry; after 1350 – after 1404) was a son of Algirdas, Grand Duke of Lithuania, and reigned in Severian Novgorod until 1393.
Kaributas was born some time after 1350 (exact date is unknown) to Algirdas of Lithuania and Uliana of Tver. Born a pagan, around 1380 he was baptised in the Orthodox rite and became the prince of Severian Novgorod. He adopted the Christian name of Dmitry and hence is sometimes referred to as Dmitry Korybut (a combination of his Slavicised Lithuanian name Kaributas and his Christian name). He appeared in politics during the Lithuanian Civil War (1381–1384) when he supported his brother Jogaila against his uncle Kęstutis and cousin Vytautas. In 1382 he began a rebellion in Severian Novgorod, engaging Kęstutis' forces so that Jogaila could attack and capture lightly guarded Vilnius, capital of the Grand Duchy. He also witnessed the Treaty of Dubysa with the Teutonic Knights.
For his service, he was awarded possessions in Navahrudak and Lida. Kaributas continued to support Jogaila: he witnessed the Union of Krewo and fought in the Lithuanian Civil War (1389–1392). After the Ostrów Agreement, he refused to recognize Vytautas' superiority and was defeated in a battle near Lida in early 1393. Kaributas was imprisoned and stripped of his possessions. However, he was soon released and given Zbarazh, Bratslav, and Vinnytsia. Severian Novgorod was given to Fedor, son of Liubartas. Kaributas appeared last in written sources in 1404 during a military campaign waged by Vytautas against the Principality of Smolensk.
Kaributas' male-line descendants included Princes Zbaraski, Wiśniowiecki and, in the Russian Empire, Woroniecki, and Nieswicki, making these families Gediminid. King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania Michael Korybut Wiśniowiecki was named Korybut to foreground his agnatic descent from Kaributas.

Marriage and issue
Kaributas married Princess Anastasia, daughter of Grand Prince Oleg II of Ryazan, with whom he had three daughters and three sons.
Kaributas issue originated the Korybut coat of arms.

Helena (wife of John II "the Iron" Duke of Racibórz),
Fedor of Nesvich, Volhynia
Sigismund Korybut (a claimant to the Bohemian Crown),
Nastasia (wife of Fedor of Kashin)
Ivan
Passage 2:
Gmina Tarnów
Gmina Tarnów is a rural gmina (administrative district) in Tarnów County, Lesser Poland Voivodeship, in southern Poland. Its seat is the city of Tarnów, although the city is not part of the territory of the gmina.
The gmina covers an area of 82.81 square kilometres (32.0 sq mi), and as of 2006 its total population is 23,060.

Villages
Gmina Tarnów contains the villages and settlements of Biała, Błonie, Jodłówka-Wałki, Koszyce Małe, Koszyce Wielkie, Łękawka, Nowodworze, Poręba Radlna, Radlna, Tarnowiec, Wola Rzędzińska, Zawada, Zbylitowska Góra and Zgłobice.

Neighbouring gminas
Gmina Tarnów is bordered by the city of Tarnów and by the gminas of Czarna, Lisia Góra, Pleśna, Skrzyszów, Tuchów, Wierzchosławice, Wojnicz and Żabno.
Passage 3:
Kis-Küküllő County
Kis-Küküllő was an administrative county (comitatus) of the Kingdom of Hungary. Its territory is now in central Romania (central Transylvania). Kis-Küküllő is the Hungarian name for the river Târnava Mică. The capital of the county was Dicsőszentmárton (now Târnăveni).

Geography
Kis-Küküllő county shared borders with the Hungarian counties Alsó-Fehér, Torda-Aranyos, Maros-Torda, Udvarhely and Nagy-Küküllő. The river Mureș formed part of its northern border, the river Târnava Mare its southern border. Târnava Mică river flowed through the county. Its area was 1,724 km² around 1910.

History
Kis-Küküllő county came into existence in 1876, when the administrative structure of Transylvania was changed and Küküllő County was split. In 1920, by the Treaty of Trianon, the county became part of Romania. After the Second Vienna Award, a little part of the former county became part of Hungary again and was assigned to the recreated Maros-Torda County. Its territory lies in the present Romanian counties Mureș (a.o. Târnăveni), Alba (the south-west) and Sibiu (the south, a.o. Dumbrăveni).

Demographics
Subdivisions
In the early 20th century, the subdivisions of Kis-Küküllő county were:

Notes
Passage 4:
Minsk Region
Minsk Region, also known as Minsk Oblast or Minsk Voblasts (Belarusian: Мі́нская во́бласць, romanized: Minskaja voblasć, IPA: [ˈmʲinskaja ˈvobɫasʲtsʲ]; Russian: Минская о́бласть, romanized: Minskaya oblast), is one of the regions of Belarus. Its administrative center is Minsk, although it is a separate administrative territorial entity of Belarus. As of 2011, the region's population is 1,411,500.

Geography
Minsk Region covers a total of 39,900 km2, about 19.44% of the national total area. Lake Narach, the largest lake in the country, is located in the northern part of the region. There are four other large lakes in this region: Svir (8th largest), Myadel (11th largest), Syalyava (14th largest) and Myastro (15th largest). It is the only region of Belarus whose border is not part of the international border of Belarus.

History
Beginning the 10th century, the territory of the current Minsk Region was part of Kievan Rus', the Principality of Polotsk, and later it was included in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. With the unification of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland, the territory became part of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.
In 1793, as a result of the second partition of Polish territory, the area was annexed by Russia as the Minsk Region. During the collapse of the Russian Empire due to the Civil War, the western part was annexed to Poland in 1921, while the east became Soviet Belarus.
The Minsk region was established on 15 January 1938, based on the amendment of the Constitutional Law of the USSR. As of 20 February 1938, the area included 20 districts.  Following the Soviet invasion of Poland on September 17, 1939, the former Eastern lands of the Second Polish Republic were annexed in accordance with the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact partitioning Poland and added to the Minsk Region.
On 20 September 1944, by the decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the Gressky, Kopyl, Krasnoslobodski, Luban, Slutsky, Starobin, Starodorozhski districts and the city of Sluck were removed from the Minsk region and transferred to the newly formed Bobruisk Region.
On 8 January 1954, by the decree of the USSR Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, the Nesvizhski and Stolbtsovsky districts from the abolished Baranovichi Region, as well as the Glusk, Gressky, Kopyl, Krasnoslobodski, Luban, Slutsky, Starobin, Starodorozhski districts and the city of Sluck from the abolished Bobruisk Region, were added to the Minsk Region.
In 1960, following the abolition of Molodechno Region, its southern part became the northern part of the Minsk Region.

Tourism
The number of travel agencies in Minsk Region grew from twelve in 2000 to seventy in 2010. The most popular tourist destinations of the region are Zaslavskoye Lake, the Zhdanovichi area which has health resorts, Nesvizh Palace and its surroundings, as well as the alpine ski resorts of Logoysk and Silichi.

Administrative subdivisions
The Minsk Region comprises 22 districts (raions), 307 selsovets, 22 cities, 8 city municipalities, and 20 urban-type settlements.

Districts of Minsk Region
Cities and towns
Population of cities and towns in Minsk Region

Demographics
See also
Administrative divisions of Belarus
Villages in Minsk Region
Passage 5:
Rostov
Rostov (Russian: Росто́в, IPA: [rɐˈstof]) is a town in Yaroslavl Oblast, Russia, one of the oldest in the country and a tourist center of the Golden Ring. It is located on the shores of Lake Nero, 202 kilometers (126 mi) northeast of Moscow. Population: 30,406 (2021 Census); 31,792 (2010 Census); 34,141 (2002 Census); 35,707 (1989 Census).While the official name of the town is Rostov, it is popularly known to Russians as Rostov Veliky (Russian: Ростов Великий, Rostov the Great) to distinguish it from the much larger city of Rostov-on-Don. The name of the town railway station is Rostov Yaroslavsky, due to its location in Moscow.

History
Rostov was preceded by Sarskoye Gorodishche, which some scholars interpret as the capital of the Finnic Merya tribe. Others believe it was an important Viking trade enclave and fortress guarding the Volga trade route. It is known from Norse sources as Raðstofa. Scythians also settled there. These different ethnicities, such as the Vikings, Scyths, Slavs and Finns, were likely the ancestors of many of today's people in that region. First mentioned in documents in the year 862 as an already important settlement, by the 10th century Rostov became the capital city of Vladimir-Suzdal, one of the most prominent principalities in Rus'. It was incorporated into the Grand Duchy of Moscow in 1474.After losing its independent status, Rostov was still an ecclesiastic center – from 988 it was the see of the Diocese of Moscow, one of the first Russian bishoprics. In the 14th century, the bishops of Rostov became archbishops, and late in the 16th century, metropolitans. One of those metropolitans, Iona (Jonah) Sysoyevich (c. 1607–1690), commissioned the town's main landmark: the Rostov Kremlin. This is regarded by some as the finest outside that of Moscow.Ravaged by the Mongols in the 13th and 14th centuries (last sack by Edigu in 1408), and the Poles in 1608, Rostov survived as a medium-sized town. Late in the 18th century, the metropolitan see was transferred to Yaroslavl.
Rostov is renowned for manufacturing enamels.
On August 24, 1953, the town was hit by an F3 tornado, causing severe damage. The tornado traveled 6 kilometers with a maximum width of up to 550 meters.

Administrative and municipal status
Within the framework of administrative divisions, Rostov serves as the administrative center of Rostovsky District, even though it is not a part of it. As an administrative division, it is incorporated separately as the town of oblast significance of Rostov—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, the town of oblast significance of Rostov is incorporated within Rostovsky Municipal District as Rostov Urban Settlement.

Main sights
The architecture of the city shows many examples of early Russian Orthodox architecture. The central square of Rostov is occupied by the Assumption Cathedral. It is unknown when the present building was erected, the mid-16th century being the most likely date. Lower parts of the cathedral walls are dated to the 12th century. The ponderous bell-tower was constructed mostly in the 17th century. Its bells are among the largest and most famous in Russia - each has its own name. The largest bell, cast in 1688, weighs 32,000 kilograms (71,000 lb). It is named Sysoy to honor the city's founding father. The church is home to the incorrupt body of Saint Leontius of Rostov.An area situated between the cathedral square and the lake was chosen by Iona Sysoevich as a place for his fairy-tale residence. All the construction works were carried out between 1667 and 1694. Major buildings include the ornate Savior Church-na-Senyakh (1675), the sombre Church of St. Gregory (1670), and the barbican churches of St. John the Apostle (1683) and of the Resurrection of Christ (1670). The residence, often erroneously called kremlin, also includes eleven ornate tower bells, numerous palaces, several small belfries, and the diminutive baroque Church of Our Lady of Smolensk (1693). All the churches are elaborately painted and decorated.
The cathedral and four tall kremlin churches with their silver "blind" domes were imitated throughout the city. This is particularly evident in the Savior-on-the-Market church and the cathedral church of the Nativity convent, both dating from the 17th century and situated near the kremlin walls. The oldest church within the town center was consecrated to St. Isidore the Blessed in 1565. They say that Ivan the Terrible had the architect executed, because his church was so much smaller than its predecessor.
The kremlin is flanked by two monasteries, both facing the Lake Nero. To the right from the kremlin stands the Abraham monastery, founded in the 11th century and one of the oldest in Russia. Its cathedral, commissioned by Ivan the Terrible in 1553 to commemorate the conquest of Kazan, inspired numerous churches in the region, particularly in Yaroslavl.
Spaso-Yakovlevsky Monastery, situated to the left from the Kremlin on the town's outskirts, has been venerated as the shrine of St. Dmitry of Rostov. Most of the monastery structures were built in the late 18th and early 19th centuries in the fine neoclassical style. There are also two 17th-century churches: the Conception of St. Anna, and the Transfiguration of Our Savior. Unlike most other churches in the town, the monastery belongs to the Russian Orthodoxy and houses a theological seminary.

Surroundings
The vicinity of Rostov is rich in old architecture. For example, an old wooden church (1687–1689) may be seen in Ishnya. One of the best preserved monasteries in Russia, named after the saints Boris and Gleb, is situated in Borisoglebsky, about 20 kilometers (12 mi) west of the town. The monastery was favored by Ivan the Terrible, who personally supervised the construction of towered walls and bell-tower around an even more ancient cathedral. The only addition made to the monastery after Ivan's death is a barbican church, commissioned by the metropolitan Iona Sysoyevich.

Twin towns/sister cities
Jämsä, Finland
 Stevens Point, Wisconsin, USA

Rostov in films
Peter I (Russian: Пётр Первый) (1937), by Vladimir Petov
Ivan Vasilievich: Back to the Future (Russian: Иван Васильевич меняет профессию, Ivan Vasilievich Changes His Profession) (1973), by Leonid Gaidai

Notable people
Dmitry Borisovich (1253–1294), Russian nobleman
Konstantin of Rostov (1186–1218), the eldest son of Vsevolod the Big Nest and Maria Shvarnovna
Vasilko Konstantinovich (1209–1238), the first Prince of Rostov
Olena Kryvytska (born 1987), Ukrainian fencer
Lev Naumov (1925–2005), Russian classical pianist, composer and educator
Yuri Alexandrovich Bilibin (1901–1952), geologist
Vera Dmitrievna Titova (1888–?), Russian scientist and educator
Passage 6:
Dmitry Liss
Dmitry Liss (born 1960) is a Russian conductor. He is also the artistic director and chief conductor of the Ural Philharmonic Orchestra.

Biography
Born in 1960, Dmitry Liss is a graduate of the Moscow Conservatory. Upon graduation from the conservatory in 1984 he became a conductor of the Kuzbass Symphony Orchestra. In 1991 he was appointed to the position of Chief Conductor of this orchestra and at this time became the youngest chief conductor in Russia. Since 1995, Dmitry Liss has served as Artistic Director/Chief Conductor of the Ural Philharmonic Orchestra. Most recently, Liss was appointed Associate Conductor of the Russian National Orchestra (1999). In 1997–1999 he was Principal Russian Conductor of the American Russian Youth Orchestra.

Activities
He has taken part in numerous international festivals and has recorded CDs for a variety of American, Russian, Japanese, Taiwanese, Belgian and Swiss companies.

Awards
Winner of the 1st International Competition of Young Conductors Lovro von Matačić (Zagreb, 1995).
Artist Emeritus of Russia

External links
Dmitry Liss on the web-site of the Ural Philharmonic Orchestra
Dmitry Liss on the web-site of the Russian National Orchestra
(in English) Productions Internationales Albert Sarfati (World Management) : Dmitry Liss
DMITRY LISS: CONDUCTING IS SORT OF A DISEASE
Passage 7:
Gallaratese
Gallaratese is a district ("quartiere") of Milan, Italy, part of the Zone 8 administrative division of the city. It is located about 7 km north-west of the city centre. It borders on the comune of Pero to the north and on the districts of Trenno to the west and Lampugnano to the south; to the east, its ideal border is the eponymous street, which in turn is named after Gallarate, the town it leads to.

Overview
The district is clearly subdivided into two parts; the first one, in the area of Via Cechov, has developed after the other one, enclosed between Via Cilea and Via Apennini; this latter, older part of the district is sometimes referred to as quartiere San Leonardo. These two parts are connected by a major shopping mall called Bonola.
Gallaratese is one of the largest districts in Italy to have been built "from scratch" in the 20th century (between the 1960s and 1980s) in a previously rural area. The Olona river, which traverses the district, has been laid underground. The first buildings to be created in Gallaratese were large apartment blocks; smaller palaces were added later. Today, the district has a population of about 60,000. The district is well connected by public transportation; it has four stops of the Milan Metro subway and five bus lines traversing it. It is also close to major thoroughfares such as the Tangenziale and the Strada del Sempione.
A major landmark of the Gallaratese district is Monte Amiata, a complex of apartment blocks that were designed by Carlo Aymonino, and that are characterized by a futuristic architecture. The most typical buildings are the so-called "tower houses" (case torri in Italian, tower-shaped apartment blocks.

History
The project for the Gallaraterse district was first laid down by architect Piero Bottoni in the mid 20th century. The objective was to create a low-income housing district with green areas, effective traffic connection to the city, and functional public services. Construction began in 1957, from a first core of the district named "Gallaratese G.1". The original plan by Bottoni was then refined and developed by over 60 architects, led by Gianluigi Reggio.  A second and third part of the district, named "Gallaratese G.2" and "San Leonardo" respectively, were developed between 1964 and 1974.  In those years, the "tower houses" that now characterize the Gallaratese' skyline were built.  The final outcome was quite different from the original plans; the district was in fact developed with less green areas and less services than it had been planned, resulting in a definitely "satellite" district.
In the last decades of the 20th century the district has grown larger, gradually extending north up to the borders of Pero; the Bonola shopping mall was also created.

Footnotes
External links
Portal of the Gallaratese district (in Italian)
Passage 8:
Pesanggrahan, South Jakarta
Pesanggrahan is a district of South Jakarta one of the administrative cities which forms the capital territory of Jakarta, Indonesia. The Pesanggrahan River flows along the eastern edge of Pesanggrahan District. To the west of Pesanggrahan District is Tangerang and South Tangerang, Banten Province.
Pesanggrahan District was originally part of the Kebayoran Lama District, which was later made into a separate district.
A southwestern portion of the Jakarta Outer Ring Road and the Serpong-Jakarta railway passed through Pesanggrahan District.

Toponym
The name Pesanggrahan is derived from the name of the river Pesanggrahan along the eastern edge of the district.

Kelurahan (Administrative villages)
The district of Pesanggrahan is divided into five administrative villages (kelurahan):

Ulujami - area code 12250
Petukangan Utara - area code 12260
Petukangan Selatan - area code 12270
Pesanggrahan - area code 12320
Bintaro - area code 12330

List of important places

Budi Luhur University
Darunnajah Islamic Boarding School
Metro Mall Cipulir
Taman Swadharma
Passage 9:
Anatoly Chubais
Anatoly Borisovich Chubais (Russian: Анатолий Борисович Чубайс; born 16 June 1955) is a Russian politician and economist who was responsible for privatization in Russia as an influential member of Boris Yeltsin's administration in the early 1990s. During this period, he was a key figure in introducing a market economy and the principles of private ownership to Russia after the fall of the Soviet Union. He has the federal state civilian service rank of 1st class Active State Councillor of the Russian Federation.From 1998 to 2008, he headed the state-owned electrical power monopoly RAO UES. A 2004 survey conducted by PricewaterhouseCoopers and the Financial Times named Chubais the world's 54th most respected business leader. He was the head of the Russian Nanotechnology Corporation (RUSNANO) in 2008–2020. He was a member of the Advisory Council for JPMorgan Chase from September 2008 until 2013. From December 2020, he served as a special envoy of the Russian president for relations with international organisations.On 23 March 2022, Chubais resigned from his position of special envoy and left Russia due to his opposition to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, according to media reports. He is the highest ranked Russian figure to resign due to the invasion.

Early life
Chubais was born on 16 June 1955 in the town of Borisov, Belarus, which was then part of the Soviet Union, the son of Raisa Efimovna (Sagal) and Boris Matveyevich Chubais. His father was Russian and his mother was Lithuanian Jewish. His father, a retired army colonel and veteran of World War II, was in the military at the time of Chubais' birth, and later worked as a lecturer of Philosophy. Though his mother received a degree in economics at university, she opted to stay home to care for their children on the military bases where her husband was regularly assigned. Anatoly Chubais has an older brother, Igor Chubais (born 1947), a philosopher.In 1977, Chubais graduated from the Leningrad Institute of Engineering and Economics (LEEI) in present-day St. Petersburg and joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union until 1991 when he left it.

Career
Early career (1977–1991)
While later working at LEEI, Chubais started a club called Reforma, which helped turn the city of Leningrad into a model of political reform by constructing platforms for both local and national elections. Reforma also engaged in drafting reformist legislation, an important step down the road when Chubais would work in the city government. In 1982, he attained the rank of associate professor (доцент) at LEEI, while in 1983, he received his Candidate of Sciences (Ph.D.) degree in Economics for the dissertation entitled "Исследование и разработка методов планирования совершенствования управления в отраслевых научно-технических организациях" (Research and Development of Methods for the Planned Improvement of Management in Industrial Research and Development Organizations).Starting in the early 1980s, Chubais became a leader of an informal circle of market-oriented economists in Leningrad. In 1982, together with economists Yury Yarmagayev and Grigory Glazkov, he published an article titled "Вопросы расширения хозяйственной самостоятельности предприятий в условиях научно-технического прогресса" (Questions of Expanding the Autonomy of Business Enterprises under the conditions of Scientific and Technological Progress) in which the authors argue that no amount of central planning can predict the end-demand for products. In 1982, Chubais was introduced to the future Prime Minister of Russia Yegor Gaidar, who was invited to and attended seminars led by Chubais.By 1987, Chubais had become the organiser of the Leningrad chapter of the club Perestroyka, whose mission was to promote and discuss democratic ideas among the local intelligentsia. Among the people involved were his brother, Igor, who had founded the Moscow-based chapter of the Perestroyka and Perestroyka-88 clubs, future Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Kudrin, future Chubais associates Pyotr Mostovoy and Alexander Kazakov, the future President of Saint Petersburg bank Vladimir Kogan, future Minister of Anti-Monopoly Policy and Entrepreneurship Support Ilya Yuzhanov, and future Deputy Governor of Saint Petersburg Mikhail Manevich.The dissident economists organized a tulip farm to finance their seminars. In the four days before the International Women's Day (8 March), they managed to get income equivalent to the price of several Lada cars. The tulip money was used to finance the elections of Anatoly Sobchak, Yury Boldyrev and many other democratic candidates. As a result, 2/3 of the deputies winning the 1990 elections to Leningrad Soviet were from the opposition. Chubais himself later stated that he personally did not participate in growing or selling of the flowers.At the end of 1990, the economist Vitaly Nayshul proposed the idea of using vouchers to facilitate mass privatization in order to transform the Soviet Union into a market economy. Chubais strongly criticized the scheme at the time, citing the inevitable inequality and social tensions that would result if implemented as proposed. Ironically, Chubais would later become the champion of the same concept just several years later.

Privatization chief in Leningrad (1990–1994)
In 1990, upon the election of Anatoly Sobchak as Chairman of the Leningrad City Council, Chubais assumed the position of his Deputy. He was trying to implement Sobchak's idea of creating a Free Economic Zone in Leningrad. In 1991, Chubais declined the offer to become the Chairman of Leningrad Ispolkom to instead become an advisor to the mayoral administration in Leningrad (by now renamed St. Petersburg) where Sobchak had just been elected mayor. At the same time, Chubais worked as the president of newly established Wassily Leontief Center for Research in Economics.

In Yeltsin government (1992–1999)
In November 1991, Chubais became a minister in the Yeltsin Cabinet where he managed the portfolio of Rosimushchestvo (the Committee for the Management of State Property) which was handling privatization in Russia.Chubais originally advocated rapid privatization in order to raise revenue, similar to the model used in Hungary. However, the Congress of People's Deputies of Russia rejected this model. Eventually, a compromise was proposed in the form of a voucher privatization program akin to the program used in the Czech Republic at the time. On 11 June 1991, the Supreme Soviet of Russia adopted this compromise and the massive program was officially initiated by decree of President Boris Yeltsin on 19 August 1991. This privatization program later came under heavy criticism. While most Russian citizens lost their savings in only a few weeks, a few oligarchs rapidly became billionaires by arbitraging the vast difference between the old domestic prices for Russian commodities versus the prices prevailing on the world market. The people who benefited from this arbitrage became known as "kleptocrats" because they stashed billions of dollars in Swiss bank accounts rather than investing in the Russian economy.
From November 1994 until January 1996, Chubais held the position of deputy prime minister for economic and financial policy in the Russian government. Thanks to liberalizing reforms carried out in 1995, the Russian Government was finally enjoying a measure of financial stability, something its politicians had been seeking ever since the resignation of Yegor Gaidar in 1993. By the end of 1995, the average annual inflation rate had declined from 18% down to 3%.From April 1995 until February 1996, Chubais also represented Russia in two international financial institutions – the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) and the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA).After resigning as deputy prime minister in January 1996, Chubais agreed to manage Boris Yeltsin's reelection campaign. By this time according to public opinion surveys, Yeltsin's approval rating had fallen to roughly 3%. Chubais established the Civil Society Foundation as well as Yeltsin's Campaign Analytical Group, which became one part of the Foundation. The group helped Yeltsin regain popularity and win re-election in the second round of the polls on 3 July 1994, capturing 53.82% of the popular vote.From July 1996 until March 1997, Chubais was the chief of the Russian Presidential Administration. During his tenure, his office grew increasingly influential.Chubais participated in the Bilderberg Club session in Turnberry, Scotland in 1998, and co-chaired the Round Table of Industrialists of Russia and the EU during the joint session of the Government Commission of the Russian Federation and the European Union. He was also elected to the Board of Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs in 2000.According to Yeltsin's daughter and chief of staff Tatyana Yumasheva, Chubais opposed the nomination of Vladimir Putin as Prime Minister of Russia and Yeltsin's successor in 1999. Although Chubais believed Putin was qualified for the position, he feared that his appointment would be rejected by the State Duma, allow the Communist Party of the Russian Federation to gain a large enough parliamentary majority to amend the constitution, and start a civil war.

RAO Unified Energy System of Russia (1998–2008)
In 1998, Chubais was elected to the chairman of the board of RAO UES of Russia, the state-owned electricity monopoly, at a special general meeting of shareholders; he soon was also appointed chairman of the board.Since 2000, Chubais consistently defended the need for further reform, which included dis-aggregating power generation, transmission, and distribution activities from the monopoly holding company in order to facilitate the subsequent sale of a majority of shares to private investors. Chubais was convinced that the un-bundling and privatization of the state monopoly were the only mechanisms able to raise the substantial funds needed to modernize Russia's electricity sector.He was elected president of the CIS Electric Power Council (2000), and later was repeatedly re-elected to that post from 2001 to 2004.In addition to reforms, Chubais and his team raised more than $30 billion in private investments for the Russian electric power sector. The funds were used to finance the construction of new facilities: 130 new units with a total capacity of about 29,000 MW, 10,000 kilometers of transmission lines, 60,000 kilometers of distribution network lines, and thousands of electrical sub-stations of all classes of voltage. His reforms also helped eliminate the use of barter payments and significantly reduced the number of payment defaults in the sector.On 17 March 2005, he survived an assassination attempt. Vladimir Kvachkov was charged for the crime, but was acquitted by a jury.In 2007, the Russian newspaper Vedomosti named Chubais the "Professional of the Year". The paper called him the only professional reformer in Russia because of his achievements in breaking of one monopoly into dozens of independent entities, introducing market forces into the electricity distribution system, and transforming a government institution structure into one attractive for private investment and management.In July 2008, RAO UES of Russia ceased to exist as a legal entity.

RUSNANO (2008–2020)
Since September 2008, Chubais has been General Manager of the State Corporation Rosnanotech.The official business of the corporation is to promote innovation and modernization in Russia's economy in several areas. For example, RUSNANO forms an important part of the government's strategy to find economic alternatives to fossil fuels.  The corporation has set a target of 900 billions rubles in sales by 2015. In the past, Chubais has compared RUSNANO to a garden in which the corporation cultivates innovative business ventures. Over its eight years of operation (2007–2015), RUSNANO has completed over 100 investment projects which resulted in the opening of 68 new plants and 28 R&D centers. As stated in the annual RUSNANO groups' financial report, the value of RUSNANO's portfolio was estimated in 2015 at 227.7 billion rubles and its net income at 17 billion rubles.Chubais has been a member of the Skolkovo Foundation Council since 2010, and in 2011 was elected chairman of the board of LTD RUSNANO.He left the organization in December 2020.

Resignation (2022)
On 23 March 2022, after Russia launched a large-scale invasion of Ukraine, Chubais quit his official positions, including that as climate envoy, stating that he was opposed to the invasion, according to media reports. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov confirmed that Chubais had resigned, but did not specify why, stating: "Whether he left or not is his personal matter". Chubais left Russia, arriving in Istanbul, Turkey, on the same day, planning to remain abroad. Alexei Navalny's spokesperson, Kira Yarmysh, suggested that Chubais had "left Russia only out of fear for his own skin and his own money". He was the highest ranked Kremlin official to resign following the start of the invasion, though he is not a member of Putin's inner circle.

Personal life
Chubais is married to Dunya Smirnova (a screenwriter and TV presenter), and has two children from his first marriage: a son, Aleksey, and a daughter, Olga.On 1 August 2022, Chubais told Russian journalist Ksenia Sobchak that he had been hospitalised with the neurological disorder Guillain-Barré syndrome, though Sardinian newspaper L’Unione Sarda reported that Italian authorities had not yet ruled out poisoning, and Italian intelligence services are awaiting his blood toxicology results in order to make sure he was not poisoned.Chubais currently lives in Israel and received Israeli citizenship in May 2023.

Involvement in political parties
In June 1993, Anatoly Chubais co-founded the "Russia's Choice" electoral bloc (Vybor Rossii), which was headed by Yegor Gaidar. In December 1993, running under this bloc, Chubais was elected as a deputy to the Russian State Duma in its first convocation.On 12–13 July 1994, Chubais was elected to the governing council of the party "Democratic Choice of Russia", which had been built off the electoral bloc "Russia's Choice". In December 1998, Chubais became a member of the Organizing Committee of Right Cause coalition and was elected to the Steering Committee of the Organizing Committee of this coalition.In July 1996, Chubais founded the "Center for Protection of Private Property" Foundation.In May 2000, Chubais was elected co-chairman of the Coordinating Council of the Russian National Political Organization "Union of Right Forces" at its founding congress. He was also later elected co-president and a member of the Federal Political Council on 26 May 2001, during the founding congress of the "Union of Right Forces" Party (SPS).On 24 January 2004, he resigned from his post as co-chair of the party but remained on the Federal Political Council of the SPS party.In May 2010, Chubais became the chairman of the board of trustees of the Gaidar Foundation, jointly established by the Gaidar Institute for Economic Policy and Maria Strugatsky.

Awards
In 1997, the British magazine Euromoney named him the world's best Minister of Finance.In December 2001, Chubais was awarded an honorary diploma of International Award by the International Union of Economists for his significant contributions to the Russian Federation, specifically his work applying advanced international experience to introduce contemporary methods of organizing administration, economics, finances and production processes.In 2008, Chubais was awarded a Presidential Commendation for helping draft part of the Russian Constitution as well as his overall contributions to democracy in Russia.In 2010, Chubais was honored by with IV degree Order For Merit to the Fatherland "for outstanding contribution to the implementation of state policy in the field of nanotechnology and many years of favorable work".Chubais received three presidential commendations (awarded in 1995, 1997 and 1998) and as well as one honorary Ph.D. from the St. Petersburg State Engineering and Economic University.
Passage 10:
Sokolniki District
Sokolniki District (Russian: райо́н Соко́льники) is a district of the Eastern Administrative Okrug of the federal city of Moscow located in the north-east corner of the city. Population: 57,444 (2010 Census); 54,975 (2002 Census).

Etymology
Sokolniki derives its name from the word "сокол" (sokol,  meaning "falcon") in view of the Tsar's falcon hunting grounds which were located there, primarily on the territory of the present-day Sokolniki Park. The district also provides the name for one of its metro stations: Sokolniki Metro Station.

Sports
The district is home to the FC and HC Spartak Moscow. The latter plays its games in the Sokolniki Sports Palace located within Sokolniki Park.

Miscellaneous

In 2006, after twenty years of construction and changing ownership, a twenty-storey hotel finally opened overlooking the Sokolniki metro station and Sokolniki Square. This hotel is now the Holiday Inn Sokolniki.
In Tolstoy's War and Peace, Pierre fights a duel in Sokolniki.
The Elite House in Sokolniki will soon be one of the largest buildings in the world with DuPont Tyvek used as a weather and water barrier.
Passage 11:
Dmitri N. Smirnov (footballer)
Dmitri Nikolayevich Smirnov (Russian: Дмитрий Николаевич Смирнов; born 9 November 1980) is a Russian former footballer. He is not related to Dmitry Alexandrovich Smirnov with whom he played on the same team for several years for FC Torpedo-ZIL Moscow, Luch and Tom. To avoid confusion, he is usually referred to as Dmitri N. Smirnov.

External links
(in Russian) Player page on the official Luch website
Dmitri N. Smirnov at Russian Premier League
Passage 12:
Cyprus Popular Bank
Cyprus Popular Bank (from 2006 to 2011 known as Marfin Popular Bank) was the second-largest banking group in Cyprus behind the Bank of Cyprus until it was 'shuttered' in March 2013 and split into two parts. The 'good' Cypriot part was merged into the Bank of Cyprus (including insured deposits under 100,000 Euro) and the 'bad' part or legacy entity holds all the overseas operations as well as uninsured deposits above 100,000 Euro, old shares and bonds. The uninsured depositors were subject to a bail-in and became the new shareholders of the legacy entity.  As at May 2017, the legacy entity is one of the largest shareholders of Bank of Cyprus with 4.8% but does not hold a board seat. All the overseas operations, of the now defunct Cyprus Popular Bank, are also held by the legacy entity, until they are sold by the Special Administrator, at first Ms Andri Antoniadou, who ran the legacy entity for two years, from March 2013 until 3 March 2015. She tendered her resignation due to disagreements, with the Governor of the Central Bank of Cyprus and the Central Bank Board members, who amended the lawyers of the legacy entity, without consulting her. Veteran banker Chris Pavlou who is an expert in Treasury and risk management took over as Special Administrator of the legacy entity in April 2015 until December 2016. The legacy entity is pursuing legal action against former major shareholder Marfin Investment Group.
Its shares were listed on the Cyprus Stock Exchange and the Athens Stock Exchange. CPB had a network of more than 295 branches in Cyprus, Russia, Ukraine, Romania, Serbia, the UK and Malta. The bank had applied to open a representative office in Beijing, People's Republic of China.Trading on the island as Laiki Bank (Laiki being the Greek word for Popular), as of September 2012 it held a 16% share of the market in loans and a 14.4% share of deposits.  The Bank made a series of large loans, many to Greek companies prior to and during their financial crisis. What followed has been described as "billions handed out in bad loans created a financial time-bomb". After the bank collapsed, it was rescued by the Cypriot government, which took 84% ownership on 30 June 2012 and as of March 2013 it is being dismantled as part of the 2012–2013 Cypriot financial crisis.

History
In 1901, four leading citizens of Limassol—Agathoclis Francoudis, Ioannis Kyriakides, Christodoulos Sozos and Neoklis Ioannides—established the Popular Savings Bank of Limassol to encourage saving among the workforce. More than two decades later, in 1924, the bank changed its name from the Popular Savings Bank of Limassol to the Popular Bank of Limassol. The bank also became the first company in Cyprus to register as a public-traded company.
Then in 1967, the Popular Bank of Limassol changed its name to Cyprus Popular Bank (CPB) to reflect the bank’s expansion beyond Limassol. Expansion beyond Limassol followed quickly, with the establishment of its first branches in Nicosia,  Famagusta (1969), and Paphos and Larnaca (1970). Also in 1970, Midland Bank acquired 22% of the company's shares, making Midland a major shareholder in CPB. The next year CPB relocated its headquarters from Limassol to Nicosia.

1974 CPB established its first London branch.
1983 CPB acquired all the Cyprus operations of Grindlays Bank located in the area under government control.
1992 CPB opened the first branch of European Popular Bank in Athens. CPB owned 58% of the shares of the bank; other shareholders included HSBC (formerly Midland Bank) and Greek and Cypriot investors. CPB retained branches in Heraklion and Thessaloniki
1995 CPB opened its first representative offices in South Africa and in Toronto, Ontario, Canada.
1996 CPB opened its first representative offices in Australia.
1997 CPB opened its first representative offices in Serbia and in Russia ("Rosprombank")
1998 CPB establishes a representative office in New York. (NY State Banking Dept says State chartered).
2000 The Cyprus Popular Bank Group changed its name to Laiki Group.
2001 The Laiki Group established a subsidiary in Australia with five branches.
2005 The Group established Laiki Bank (Guernsey), and purchased Bank Centrobank in Serbia.
2006 The Greek Marfin Investment Group acquired HSBC's shares in Laiki Bank, establishing a strong minority share position.  Subsequently, the Marfin Investment Group through more acquisitions managed to take control of Laiki Bank, which it re-branded as Marfin Popular Bank.  In Greece, the Marfin Group consolidated Egnatia, Laiki and Marfin to form Marfin Egnatia Bank, which is the 95%-owned Greek subsidiary of Marfin Popular Bank.
2007 The bank announced the planned takeover of 50.12% of the share capital of AS SBM Pank, a bank in Estonia.MPB also acquired 99.2% of the shares of Marine Transport Bank Ukraine for US$156 million. This bank was founded in 1993 as Marine Trade Bank and changed its name to Marine Transport Bank in 1996. It has its headquarters in the Odesa region and has 86 branches.
Lastly, MPB acquired 43% of the share capital of Lombard Bank Malta for €48 million from Banca della Svizzera Italiana (BSI) of Lugano. CPB now holds c. 49% of Lombard Bank Malta.In 2007, the bank announced a multi-million financial deal to sponsor the football First Division in Cyprus until 2010.
2008 Marfin Popular Bank completed its acquisition of 50.4% of the shares of CJSC RPB Holding, parent company of the Rossisysky Promishlenny Bank (Rosprombank), for €83 million. The acquisition makes Marfin the first Greek or Cypriot bank to acquire control of a bank in Russia.
In 2010, they launched a new mobile banking and mobile trading service. In the same year, the company was selected as the bank of the year in Cyprus by the Banker.
2010 MPB sold 85% of Laiki Bank Australia to Bank of Beirut. The Australian bank received a new name, Beirut Hellenic Bank. At the time, the bank had a branch in Adelaide, four branches in Melbourne and five branches in Sydney.
2011 MPB sold the majority of its shareholding in its Estonian subsidiary and returned to its historic name of Cyprus Popular Bank (CPB).
In 2012 CPB converted its Greek subsidiary into a branch of the parent bank.
The 2012–2013 Cypriot financial crisis resulted in financial difficulties at CPB. The Cypriot state recapitalized CPB on 30 June 2012 with the result that the government acquired 84% of the bank's equity. This increased the bank's core tier 1 capital ratio towards 9%, the level mandated by the European Banking Authority.
In early 2013 CPB renamed its Greek branches to CPB Bank and on 26 March the bank sold them to Piraeus Bank. Laiki was split into a good and bad bank, the good bank (Cyprus operations) merged with Bank of Cyprus and the bad bank is in the process of being sold and finally shuttered. The board and CEO were replaced on 27 March. The bad bank was being run by a Special Administrator Ms Andri Antoniadou who was acting CEO until 3 March 2015. Veteran banker Chris Pavlou took over as Special Administrator in April 2015 until December 2016.In 2018 European Court dismisses compensation claim in Cyprus 2013 deposit-grab.
Passage 13:
Shostakovich Peninsula
Shostakovich Peninsula is an ice-covered peninsula lying north of Stravinsky Inlet and extending into Bach Ice Shelf in southern Alexander Island, Antarctica. The peninsula was first mapped by Directorate of Overseas Surveys from satellite imagery of Antarctica supplied by U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration in cooperation with U.S. Geological Survey. Named by United Kingdom Antarctic Place-Names Committee after Dmitri Shostakovich, Russian composer (1906-1975). Shostakovich Peninsula is one of the eight peninsulas of Alexander Island.

See also
Derocher Peninsula
Harris Peninsula
Pesce Peninsula
 This article incorporates public domain material from "Shostakovich Peninsula". Geographic Names Information System. United States Geological Survey.
Passage 14:
Sikyona
Sikyona (Greek: Σικυώνα) is a municipality in Corinthia, Greece. The seat of the municipality is in Kiato. Sikyona takes its name from the ancient city Sicyon, which was located in the same territory.

Municipality
The municipality Sikyona was formed at the 2011 local government reform by the merger of the following 3 former municipalities, that became municipal units:
Feneos
Sikyona
StymfaliaThe municipality has an area of 602.539 km2, the municipal unit 171.268 km2. The municipal unit Sikyona is subdivided into the following communities:
Archaia Sikyona-Vasiliko
Bozikas
Diminio
Gonoussa
Kato Diminio
Sikyona (Kiato)
Klimenti
Kryoneri
Laliotis
Megas Valtos
Mikros Valtos
Moulki
Paradeisi
Pasi
Souli
Titani

Historical population
Passage 15:
Federalism
Federalism is a combined and compound mode of government that combines a general government (the central or "federal" government) with regional governments (provincial, state, cantonal, territorial, or other sub-unit governments) in a single political system, dividing the powers between the two. Federalism in the modern era was first adopted in the unions of states during the Old Swiss Confederacy.Federalism differs from confederalism, in which the general level of government is subordinate to the regional level, and from devolution within a unitary state, in which the regional level of government is subordinate to the general level. It represents the central form in the pathway of regional integration or separation, bounded on the less integrated side by confederalism and on the more integrated side by devolution within a unitary state.Examples of a federation or federal province or state include Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Brazil, Canada, Germany, India, Iraq, Malaysia, Mexico, Micronesia, Nepal, Nigeria, Pakistan, Russia, Switzerland, the United Arab Emirates, and the United States. Some characterize the European Union as the pioneering example of federalism in a multi-state setting, in a concept termed the "federal union of states".

Overview
Etymology
The terms "federalism" and "confederalism" share a root in the Latin word foedus, meaning "treaty, pact or covenant". Their common early meaning until the late eighteenth century was a simple league or inter-governmental relationship among sovereign states based on a treaty. They were therefore initially synonyms. It was in this sense that James Madison in Federalist No.39 had referred to the new US Constitution as "neither a national nor a federal Constitution, but a composition of both" (i.e. as constituting neither a single large unitary state nor a league/confederation among several small states, but a hybrid of the two). In the course of the nineteenth century United States, the meaning of federalism would come to shift, strengthening to refer uniquely to the novel compound political form established at the Philadelphia Convention, while the meaning of confederalism would remain at a league of states.

Origin
In the narrow sense, federalism refers to the mode in which the body politic of a state is organized internally, and this is the meaning most often used in modern times. Political scientists, however, use it in a much broader sense, referring instead to a "multi-layer or pluralistic concept of social and political life."The first forms of federalism took place in ancient times, in the form of alliances between states. Some examples from the seventh to second century B.C. were the Archaic League, the Aetolic League, the Peloponnesian League, and the Delian League. An early ancestor of federalism was the Achaean League in Hellenistic Greece. Unlike the Greek city states of Classical Greece, each of which insisted on keeping its complete independence, changing conditions in the Hellenistic period drove many city states to band together even at the cost of losing part of their sovereignty. Subsequent unions of states included the first and second Swiss Confederations (1291–1798 and 1815–48), the United Provinces of the Netherlands (1579–1795), the German Bund (1815–66), the first American union known as the Confederation of the United States of America (1781–89), and second American union formed as the United States of America (1789–1865).

Political theory
Modern federalism is a political system based upon democratic rules and institutions in which the power to govern is shared between national and provincial/state governments. The term federalist describes several political beliefs around the world depending on context. Since the term federalization also describes distinctive political processes, its use as well depends on the context.In political theory, two main types of federalization are recognized:

integrative, or aggregative federalization, designating various processes like: integration of non-federated political subjects by creating a new federation, accession of non-federated subjects into an existing federation, or transformation of a confederation into a federation
devolutive, or dis-aggregative federalization: transformation of a unitary state into a federation

Reasons for adoption
According to Daniel Ziblatt, there are four competing theoretical explanations in the academic literature for the adoption of federal systems:

Ideational theories, which hold that a greater ideological commitment to decentralist ideas in society makes federalism more likely to be adopted.
Cultural-historical theories, which hold that federal institutions are more likely to be adopted in societies with culturally or ethnically fragmented populations.
"Social contract" theories, which hold that federalism emerges as a bargain between a center and a periphery where the center is not powerful enough to dominate the periphery and the periphery is not powerful enough to secede from the center.
"Infrastructural power" theories, which hold that federalism is likely to emerge when the subunits of a potential federation already have highly developed infrastructures (e.g. they are already constitutional, parliamentary, and administratively modernized states).Immanuel Kant noted that "the problem of setting up a state can be solved even by a nation of devils" so long as they possess an appropriate constitution which pits opposing factions against each other with a system of checks and balances. In particular individual states required a federation as a safeguard against the possibility of war.Proponents for federal systems have historically argued that the power-sharing inherent in federal systems reduces both domestic security threats and foreign threats. Federalism allows states to be large and diverse, mitigating the risk of a tyrannical government through centralization of powers.

Examples
Many countries have implemented federal systems of government with varying degree of central and regional sovereignty. The federal government of these countries can be divided into minimalistic federations, consisting of only two sub-federal units or multi-regional, those that consist of three to dozens of regional governments. They can also be grouped based on their body polity type, such as emirate, provincial, republican or state federal systems. Another way to study federated countries is by categorizing them into those whose entire territory is federated as opposed to only part of its territory comprising the federal portion of the country. Some federal systems are national systems while others, like the European Union are supra national.
In general, two extremes of federalism can be distinguished: at one extreme, the strong federal state is almost completely unitary, with few powers reserved for local governments; while at the other extreme, the national government may be a federal state in name only, being a confederation in actuality. Federalism may encompass as few as two or three internal divisions, as is the case in Belgium or Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The governments of Argentina, Australia, Brazil, India, and Mexico, among others, are also organized along federalist principles.
In Canada, federalism typically implies opposition to sovereigntist movements (most commonly Quebec separatism). In 1999, the Government of Canada established the Forum of Federations as an international network for exchange of best practices among federal and federalizing countries. Headquartered in Ottawa, the Forum of Federations partner governments include Australia, Brazil, Ethiopia, Germany, India, Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan and Switzerland.

Europe vs. the United States
In Europe, "federalist" is sometimes used to describe those who favor a common federal government, with distributed power at regional, national and supranational levels. The Union of European Federalists advocates for this development within the European Union, ultimately leading to the United States of Europe. Although there are medieval and early modern examples of European states which used confederal and federal systems, contemporary European federalism originated in post-war Europe; one of the more important initiatives was Winston Churchill's speech in Zürich in 1946.In the United States, federalism originally referred to belief in a stronger central government. When the U.S. Constitution was being drafted, the Federalist Party supported a stronger central government, while "Anti-Federalists" wanted a weaker central government. This is very different from the modern usage of "federalism" in Europe and the United States. The distinction stems from the fact that "federalism" is situated in the middle of the political spectrum between a confederacy and a unitary state. The U.S. Constitution was written as a replacement for the Articles of Confederation, under which the United States was a loose confederation with a weak central government.
In contrast, Europe has a greater history of unitary states than North America, thus European "federalism" argues for a weaker central government, relative to a unitary state. The modern American usage of the word is much closer to the European sense. As the power of the U.S. federal government has increased, some people have perceived a much more unitary state than they believe the Founding Fathers intended. Most people politically advocating "federalism" in the United States argue in favor of limiting the powers of the federal government, especially the judiciary (see Federalist Society, New Federalism).
The contemporary concept of federalism came about with the creation of an entirely new system of government that provided for democratic representation at two governing levels simultaneously, which was implemented in the US Constitution. In the United States implementation of federalism, a bicameral general government, consisting of a chamber of popular representation proportional to population (the House of Representatives), and a chamber of equal State-based representation consisting of two delegates per State (the Senate), was overlaid upon the pre-existing regional governments of the thirteen independent States. With each level of government allocated a defined sphere of powers, under a written constitution and the rule of law (that is, subject to the independent third-party arbitration of a supreme court in competence disputes), the two levels were thus brought into a coordinate relationship for the first time.
In 1946, Kenneth Wheare observed that the two levels of government in the US were "co-equally supreme". In this, he echoed the perspective of American founding father James Madison who saw the several States as forming "distinct and independent portions of the supremacy" in relation to the general government.

Constitutional structure
Division of powers
In a federation, the division of power between federal and regional governments is usually outlined in the constitution. Almost every country allows some degree of regional self-government, but in federations the right to self-government of the component states is constitutionally entrenched. Component states often also possess their own constitutions which they may amend as they see fit, although in the event of conflict the federal constitution usually takes precedence.
In almost all federations the central government enjoys the powers of foreign policy and national defense as exclusive federal powers. Were this not the case a federation would not be a single sovereign state, per the UN definition. Notably, the states of Germany retain the right to act on their own behalf at an international level, a condition originally granted in exchange for the Kingdom of Bavaria's agreement to join the German Empire in 1871. The constitutions of Germany and the United States provide that all powers not specifically granted to the federal government are retained by the states. The Constitution of some countries, like Canada and India, state that powers not explicitly granted to the provincial/state governments are retained by the federal government. Much like the US system, the Australian Constitution allocates to the Federal government (the Commonwealth of Australia) the power to make laws about certain specified matters which were considered too difficult for the States to manage, so that the States retain all other areas of responsibility. Under the division of powers of the European Union in the Lisbon Treaty, powers which are not either exclusively of Union competence or shared between the Union and the Member States as concurrent powers are retained by the constituent States.

Where every component state of a federation possesses the same powers, we are said to find 'symmetric federalism'. Asymmetric federalism exists where states are granted different powers, or some possess greater autonomy than others do. This is often done in recognition of the existence of a distinct culture in a particular region or regions. In Spain, the Basques and Catalans, as well as the Galicians, spearheaded a historic movement to have their national specificity recognized, crystallizing in the "historical communities" such as Navarre, Galicia, Catalonia, and the Basque Country. They have more powers than the later expanded arrangement for other Spanish regions, or the Spain of the autonomous communities (called also the "coffee for everyone" arrangement), partly to deal with their separate identity and to appease peripheral nationalist leanings, partly out of respect to specific rights they had held earlier in history. However, strictly speaking Spain is not a federation, but a system of asymmetric devolved government within a unitary state.
It is common that during the historical evolution of a federation there is a gradual movement of power from the component states to the centre, as the federal government acquires additional powers, sometimes to deal with unforeseen circumstances. The acquisition of new powers by a federal government may occur through formal constitutional amendment or simply through a broadening of the interpretation of a government's existing constitutional powers given by the courts.
Usually, a federation is formed at two levels: the central government and the regions (states, provinces, territories), and little to nothing is said about second or third level administrative political entities. Brazil is an exception, because the 1988 Constitution included the municipalities as autonomous political entities making the federation tripartite, encompassing the Union, the States, and the municipalities. Each state is divided into municipalities (municípios) with their own legislative council (câmara de vereadores) and a mayor (prefeito), which are partly autonomous from both Federal and State Government. Each municipality has a "little constitution", called "organic law" (lei orgânica). Mexico is an intermediate case, in that municipalities are granted full-autonomy by the federal constitution and their existence as autonomous entities (municipio libre, "free municipality") is established by the federal government and cannot be revoked by the states' constitutions. Moreover, the federal constitution determines which powers and competencies belong exclusively to the municipalities and not to the constituent states. However, municipalities do not have an elected legislative assembly.
Federations often employ the paradox of being a union of states, while still being states (or having aspects of statehood) in themselves. For example, James Madison (author of the US Constitution) wrote in Federalist Paper No. 39 that the US Constitution "is in strictness neither a national nor a federal constitution; but a composition of both. In its foundation, it is federal, not national; in the sources from which the ordinary powers of the Government are drawn, it is partly federal, and partly national..." This stems from the fact that states in the US maintain all sovereignty that they do not yield to the federation by their own consent. This was reaffirmed by the Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which reserves all powers and rights that are not delegated to the Federal Government as left to the States and to the people.

Bicameralism
The structures of most federal governments incorporate mechanisms to protect the rights of component states. One method, known as 'intrastate federalism', is to directly represent the governments of component states in federal political institutions. Where a federation has a bicameral legislature the upper house is often used to represent the component states while the lower house represents the people of the nation as a whole. A federal upper house may be based on a special scheme of apportionment, as is the case in the senates of the United States and Australia, where each state is represented by an equal number of senators irrespective of the size of its population.
Alternatively, or in addition to this practice, the members of an upper house may be indirectly elected by the government or legislature of the component states, as occurred in the United States prior to 1913, or be actual members or delegates of the state governments, as, for example, is the case in the German Bundesrat and in the Council of the European Union. The lower house of a federal legislature is usually directly elected, with apportionment in proportion to population, although states may sometimes still be guaranteed a certain minimum number of seats.

Intergovernmental relations
In Canada, the provincial governments represent regional interests and negotiate directly with the central government. A First Ministers conference of the prime minister and the provincial premiers is the de facto highest political forum in the land, although it is not mentioned in the constitution.

Constitutional change
Federations often have special procedures for amendment of the federal constitution. As well as reflecting the federal structure of the state this may guarantee that the self-governing status of the component states cannot be abolished without their consent. An amendment to the constitution of the United States must be ratified by three-quarters of either the state legislatures, or of constitutional conventions specially elected in each of the states, before it can come into effect. In referendums to amend the constitutions of Australia and Switzerland it is required that a proposal be endorsed not just by an overall majority of the electorate in the nation as a whole, but also by separate majorities in each of a majority of the states or cantons. In Australia, this latter requirement is known as a double majority.
Some federal constitutions also provide that certain constitutional amendments cannot occur without the unanimous consent of all states or of a particular state. The US constitution provides that no state may be deprived of equal representation in the senate without its consent. In Australia, if a proposed amendment will specifically impact one or more states, then it must be endorsed in the referendum held in each of those states. Any amendment to the Canadian constitution that would modify the role of the monarchy would require unanimous consent of the provinces. The German Basic Law provides that no amendment is admissible at all that would abolish the federal system.

Other technical terms
Fiscal federalism – the relative financial positions and the financial relations between the levels of government in a federal system.
Formal federalism (or 'constitutional federalism') – the delineation of powers is specified in a written constitution, which may or may not correspond to the actual operation of the system in practice.
Executive federalism refers in the English-speaking tradition to the intergovernmental relationships between the executive branches of the levels of government in a federal system and in the continental European tradition to the way constituent units 'execute' or administer laws made centrally.
Gleichschaltung – the conversion from a federal governance to either a completely unitary or more unitary one, the term was borrowed from the German for conversion from alternating to direct current. During the Nazi era the traditional German states were mostly left intact in the formal sense, but their constitutional rights and sovereignty were eroded and ultimately ended and replaced with the Gau system. Gleichschaltung also has a broader sense referring to political consolidation in general.
defederalize – to remove from federal government, such as taking a responsibility from a national level government and giving it to states or provinces

In relation to conflict
It has been argued that federalism and other forms of territorial autonomy are a useful way to structure political systems in order to prevent violence among different groups within countries because it allows certain groups to legislate at the subnational level. Some scholars have suggested, however, that federalism can divide countries and result in state collapse because it creates proto-states. Still others have shown that federalism is only divisive when it lacks mechanisms that encourage political parties to compete across regional boundaries.Federalism is sometimes viewed in the context of international negotiation as "the best system for integrating diverse nations, ethnic groups, or combatant parties, all of whom may have cause to fear control by an overly powerful center." However, those skeptical of federal prescriptions sometimes believe that increased regional autonomy can lead to secession or dissolution of the nation. In Syria, for example, federalization proposals have failed in part because "Syrians fear that these borders could turn out to be the same as the ones that the fighting parties have currently carved out."

See also
Notes and references
Sources
External links

P.-J. Proudhon (1863), The Principle of Federation.
Passage 16:
Yuri Chesnokov (volleyball)
Yuri Borisovich Chesnokov (Russian: Юрий Борисович Чесноков; January 22, 1933 – May 30, 2010) was a Russian volleyball player who competed for the Soviet Union in the 1964 Summer Olympics. He was born in Moscow.
Chesnokov was a two-time world champion, having won gold at the 1960 and the 1962 competitions. In 1964 he was part of the Soviet team which won the gold medal in the Olympic tournament. He played eight matches. After his active career, he coached the Soviet team at the 1972 and 1976 Olympics, and later served as a FIVB vice-president for many years. In 2000 he was inducted into the Volleyball Hall of Fame.
Dmitry Borisovich (Russian: Дмитрий Борисович; 11 September 1253, in Moscow – 1294, in Rostov) was a Russian nobleman. He was the eldest of the three sons of Prince Rostov Boris Vasylkovych from his marriage to Princess Maria Yaroslavna of Murom. He was Prince of Rostov (1278–1286 and 1288–1294) and Prince of Uglich (1285–1288).

Sources
http://www.biografija.ru/show_bio.aspx?id=112862

Answer: Moscow