The Great War and the Remaking of Palestine by Salim Tamari (Ebook)
Salim Tamari
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The Great War and the Remaking of Palestine

The Great War and the Remaking of Palestine

Salim Tamari

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

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University of California Press

Oakland, California

© 2017 by The Regents of the University of California

Five of the chapters in this book appeared in shorter forms in the Jerusalem Quarterly. They have been expanded and modified for this collection. Shifting Ottoman Conceptions of Palestine, JQ47–48 (2011), The War Photography of Khalil Raad JQ52(2013), Issa’s Unorthodox Orthodoxy JQ59 (2014), Nabulsi Exceptionalism and the 1908 Ottoman Revolution JQ60 (2014), A Scientific Expedition to Gallipoli JQ56/57 (2014).

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Tamārī, Salīm, author.

Title: The Great War and the remaking of Palestine / Salim Tamari.

Description: Oakland, California : University of California Press, [2017] | Includes bibliographical references and index. |

Identifiers: LCCN 2017028637 (print) | LCCN 2017030863 (ebook) | ISBN 9780520965102 (Ebook) | ISBN 9780520291256 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 9780520291263 (pbk. : alk. paper)

Subjects: LCSH: Palestine—History—20th century.

Classification: LCC DS125 (ebook) | LCC DS125 .T29 2017 (print) | DDC 940.3/5694—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017028637

Manufactured in the United States of America

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CONTENTS

List of Illustrations

Acknowledgments

1 • Introduction: Rafiq Bey’s Public Spectacles

2 • Arabs, Turks, and Monkeys: The Ethnography and Cartography of Ottoman Syria

3 • The Sweet Aroma of Holy Sewage: Urban Planning and the New Public Sphere in Palestine

4 • A Scientific Expedition to Gallipoli: The Syrian-Palestinian Intelligentsia Divided

5 • Two Faces of Palestinian Orthodoxy: Hellenism, Arabness, and Osmenlilik

6 • A Farcical Moment: Narratives of Revolution and Counterrevolution in Nablus

7 • Adele Azar’s Notebook: Charity and Feminism

8 • Ottoman Modernity and the Biblical Gaze

Notes

Bibliography

Index

ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Ottoman bureaucrats as monkeys in Yusuf Franko Kusa, Types et Charges, 1885

2. Map of northern Palestine, published in Filistin Risales, 1915

3. Mersinli Cemal Pasha with son and daughter, Jerusalem, 1915

4. Ard Filistin ( detail ) by Kateb Celebi, first published in 1729

5. Kateb Celebi’s map of the Arabian Peninsula and Palestine, first published in 1732

6. Ottoman Palestine, from the Osmanlı Atlas, published in 1912

7. Ali Ekrem Bey, Ottoman governor of Jerusalem, addressing Jaffa crowds during the celebration of huriyya (freedom), the popular reference to the celebration accompanying the promulgation of the new constitution, 1908

8. Arrival of the kasweh (Ka’bah cover) from Medina, at the Jaffa Gate in Jerusalem in 1914

9. Aerial view of the Beersheba public square, 1916

10. The gridlike plan of Beersheba, 1916

11. Freedom, Brotherhood, and Equality—the Ottoman logo in the masthead of Al-Quds newspaper, January 19, 1911

12. Celebrating huriyya at Jerusalem’s Jaffa Gate, 1908

13. A page from Adele Azar’s notebook, Jaffa, 1914

14. The staff at the Jerusalem Mouristan Hospital, 1916

15. Miss Arnot’s Mission School for girls, Jaffa, 1900

16. Adele Azar, the Boss in a public ceremony in Jaffa with Yusif Haikal, the last Arab mayor of Jaffa, and Habib Homsi, Jaffa, 1947

17. Motorboat on the road to Jericho, in Jerusalem, 1915

18. Khalil Sakakini, Jerusalem, 1906

19. Khalidi brothers Hasan-Shukri and Hussein-Fakhri in Ottoman Army Medical Corps uniforms, Jerusalem, 1915

20. Shul newspaper, underground printing press, Beersheba, 1916

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I owe a great debt to a number of friends and colleagues who read earlier drafts of these essays over the last five years: Nazmi al-Jubeh, Rema Hammami, Khaldun Bshara, Talha Çiçek, Adel Manna, Rochelle Davis, Seteney Shami, Beshara Doumani, Rashid Khalidi, Lisa Taraki, Sari Hanafi, Suad Amiry, Samera Esmeir, Ayhan Aktar, Selim Deringil, Michael Dumper, Maria Mavroudi, Dana Sajdi, and Ilham Khuri-Makdisi.

I am particularly indebted to Alex Winder, Issam Nassar, Penny Johnson, and Carol Khoury, my colleagues at the Jerusalem Quarterly in Jerusalem and Ramallah, where early versions of some of these chapters appeared, for their careful reading and critical feedback. Alex Baramki, who disagreed with almost everything I wrote, was particularly helpful in making me rethink the nature of Ottoman rule in Syria and Palestine.

Rashid Khalidi and the late Raja al-Issa, of blessed memory, provided me with copies of the papers and memoirs of Issa al-Issa. I was very fortunate to receive the Jaffa notebook of Adele Azar from her grandson, Dr. Efteem Azar, who was also very generous in reading the chapter on Azar and giving me corrective advice. Edgar Zarifeh provided me with valuable biographic material on the life of Alexandra Kassab Zarifeh in Jaffa.

Research for chapters 2 and 3 was supported by a grant from the Friends of the Institute for Palestine Studies, in the spring of 2012. I would like to thank İrvin Schick, Edhem Eldem, Hasan Kayalı, and Sibel Zandi-Sayek for their comments on Filistin Risalesi and the material on Ottoman ethnography, and Muhammad Safadi for his expert translations from the Ottoman Turkish. My gratitude goes also to Alex Baramki for guiding me through the mazes of the Library of Congress; to the Cartography Department of Cambridge University and the Mapping Department in the Library of Congress; and to Professor Ertuğrul Ökten and Bahcesehir University in Istanbul for providing me with facsimiles of Kâtip Çelebi’s maps of Anatolia and Syria. Mona Nsouli, Jeanette Saroufim, Mirna Itani, and the staff of the Institute for Palestine Studies archives in Beirut were invaluable in providing me with research material on World War I from their collection. Debbie Usher, archivist at the Middle East Center of St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford, kindly helped me acquire copies of Khalil Raad’s photographs in the Alan Saunders collection.

The editors and staff of the University of California Press were invaluable in the preparation of the final draft for publication. I am particular thankful to Niels Hooper, Dore Brown, and Bradley Depew for their guidance and advice. Bonita Hurd’s masterful editorial interventions and suggestions were crucial in improving the readability of the book. Finally, but not least, I am grateful to the two anonymous reviewers of the manuscript. Their criticism and advice not only helped me avoid some embarrassing pitfalls but also opened up alternative interpretations of the material.

ONE

Introduction

RAFIQ BEY’S PUBLIC SPECTACLES

ON THE EVE OF WORLD WAR I, Azmi Beyk Effendi, the governor of the province of Beirut, commissioned Muhammad Bahjat and Rafiq al-Tamimi, two young civil servants from Imperial College in Beirut (Maktab Sultani), to undertake a comprehensive survey of conditions in the province—which included at the time the districts of Beirut, Akka, Nablus, Tripoli, and Latakiyya. The governor felt that the official almanacs (salnameh) for the Syrian provinces were hastily written and inaccurate; moreover, they contained mostly statistical information and biographical entries for public figures. He instructed the authors to prepare a scientific guide to serve civil servants and the educated public at large concerning the civic and social conditions in Palestine and Syria.¹

The survey, published in Ottoman Turkish and Arabic in Beirut in 1916 in two comprehensive volumes, took two years to produce, and it involved arduous field work in remote areas, including nomadic encampments, as well as visits to scores of villages and district centers.² It covered detailed ethnographic descriptions of habitat, customs, religious practices, and what the authors saw as social problems facing these communities. The overall frame of their analysis was to examine the modernization schemes of Ottoman reforms (Tanzimat) and the impediments to the progress in these communities. For a number of selected cities, such as Latakiyya, Tripoli, Akka, and Nablus, it included an investigation of the quotidian social spirit of urban life that addressed issues such as temperament (mazaj), social differentiation, leisure activities of the middle and working classes, dialects, and the intellectual milieu of the local elites.³

The authors, Bahjat Bey from Aleppo, and Rafiq Bey from Nablus, were accomplished scholars and dedicated civil servants. Although working in unison, they divided the work between them. Rafiq Bey undertook themes related to the archeology, geography, education, social ranks, and religious practices of the communities, while Bahjat focused on dialects, arts and crafts, and what they termed public spectacles (mashahid ‘ammah) in reference to urban social conditions.⁴ The bibliography attached to their compendium shows that the authors used the entire stock of geographic and historical literature on Syria and Palestine available then in Turkish, Arabic, French, English, and German. But the bulk of the study was based on their own direct investigation of local conditions through field visits, interviews, and verbatim records of narratives in the regional dialects. Their methodology is carefully indicated in the introduction to each section. Using a variety of means of transport—train, ship, and carriage—they undertook most of their visits on horseback, accompanied by local guides. In a chapter titled Investigations and Local Follow-Up the authors detail their mode of investigation. They would arrive at the locality and establish their residence in the local school, mosque, or government offices. There they would meet with the mukhtars, village elders, teachers, and local notables, who were interviewed in situ. The responses of these individuals were then extensively cited.⁵ They also talked to elderly women, gendarmes, and balladeers (zajjaleen), often providing the reader with extensive samples from the songs and ballads of the region.⁶

Most of the work on the Palestinian districts (Akka, Nablus, Beisan, and the Jordan Valley) was written by Rafiq al-Tamimi, including an original treatise on the local customs and practices of the Samaritan community in Nablus, his native town.⁷ Rafiq al-Tamimi (1881–1956) had extensive schooling in the Ottoman system before embarking on his commissioned study. He received his early education in Nablus and in Istanbul (at Murjan College, 1902, and Imperial College, 1905) and received a degree in literature from the Sorbonne—where he wrote a thesis on the governorship of Midhat Pasha.⁸ Upon completion of his studies he was appointed as professor of history in Maktab Sultani (Imperial College) in Salonika, and in Kharboot (eastern Anatolia), and later as a lecturer in social studies at the Maktab Sultani in Beirut. When Cemal Pasha established Salahiyya College in Jerusalem during the war, Tamimi joined its faculty as a senior lecturer in history.⁹

Throughout his academic career, Tamimi was active politically in Ottoman and Arabist associations. During the constitutional revolution, he joined the Union and Progress Party (Young Turks, known as the CUP) in Damascus and later in Beirut. In 1909 he was one of the seven founders of al-Arabiyya al-Fatat (the Young Arab Movement), who included his Paris companions Rustum Haydar and Awni Abdulhadi. Al-Fatat became a leading force in the establishment of the first Syrian government under Prince Faisal.¹⁰ It was during this period that the term Southern Syria became synonymous with Palestine, but the expression gained an added political significance after 1918—for example, in the creation of Aref and Dajani’s newspaper, Surya al-Janubiyya, signaling the unity of Jerusalem with Damascus, in response to the British-Zionist schemes of separating Palestine from Syria. In other words, the term Southern Syria, which so far had been a geographic designation, was now explicitly used instead for Palestine as a reaction to the attempts by the British Mandate authorities to excise Palestine from Syria.¹¹

It is most likely that Tamimi was also the main author of Filistin Risalesi (Treatise on Palestine), which was published during Tamimi’s tenure at Salahiyya College. The treatise, published in 1915 (1331 according to the Ottoman calendar) in Turkish, was basically a manual for military officers on the topography and ethnography of Palestine during the Great War. Although published anonymously, the book contained the imprint of Tamimi’s (and Bahjat’s) style and content that we encounter in their book Wilayat Beirut. This includes the use of ethnographic material on local customs and traditions, as well as topographic descriptions of the Nablus and Akka districts. Taken together, the two books constitute an important benchmark in the literary discourse on the remaking of Palestine as an autonomous geographic entity within greater Syria and the Ottoman Arab provinces.

But where is Palestine located in this discourse, and what does the remaking of Palestine signify? During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Filistin was a not a separate administrative unit within the Ottoman sultanate; but the term Filistin was designated for a region embedded in the provinces of Bilad al-Sham (Syria). It was frequently used to indicate the southern region of Syria, corresponding to the combined sanjaqs (districts) of Akka (Acre), Nablus, and Jerusalem. After the mid-nineteenth century it was a term increasingly used for the independent mutasarriflik (autonomous province) of Jerusalem, which extended from Jaffa north to the northern part of the Sinai Peninsula. The importance of Tamimi’s work, in this regard, is that it provided unique ethnographic distinctions to each of those districts, with detailed and sharp field observations about the customs, mores, and cultural practices of southern Syria as a whole.

The eight essays of this book provide an analytical discussion of this remaking, focusing on the themes of imperial planning; the transformation of urban public space; local historiography; wartime mobilization; and the rise of regional, nationalist, and religious identities that sometimes reinforced and often challenged the ideology of Ottomanism (Osmenlilik).

In chapter 2, I discuss the evolution of Filistin as a region, as well as the various usages of the term Filistin in late Ottoman cartography and ethnography of Syria—culminating with the work of Tamimi and Bahjat, discussed here. Beginning with the sixteenth century, and possibly earlier, the term Filistin was systematically used to designate the southern Syrian districts—often referring to the region equivalent to the Holy Land in European and biblical travel literature. Both in travel and cartographic publications, the terms Syria and Palestine (Filistin) were used frequently, together and separately, to designate the Shami sanjaqs. In Ottoman and Egyptian Khedival mapping, the border separating Palestine from Syria was amorphous and overlapping, depending on the political context.

In chapter 3, I examine how new urban sensibilities grew out of the secularization of public space. It involved the transformation of ceremonials from traditional religious celebrations to popular carnivalesque avenues for leisure (most notably the Nebi Rubeen (Rubin) and Nebi Musa festivals, known as mawasim), now stripped of their religious motifs. A significant drive boosting these urban developments was the substantial investment in public infrastructure (road, rail, and telegraph line construction) dictated by German-Ottoman war planning. These schemes can be seen also as part of earlier Ottoman policies, beginning with the work of Midhat Pasha in the mid-nineteenth century, to integrate the Syrian urban centers within the Ottoman centralizing state.¹² This process was speeded up during the Jerusalem governorship of Ali Ekrem Bey (1905–1908), and Cemal Pasha’s war administration of Syria and Palestine. Hasan Kayali’s important work Wartime Regional and Imperial Integration of Greater Syria during World War I outlines the scope and limitations of these plans for the emergence of a new urban environment.¹³

The plans involved the development of urban planning, the schooling system, and the introduction of new cultural institutions, such as museums, to buttress the integration of Syria and Palestine within the Ottoman system. Substantial investments were made in Beersheba (Beer al-Sabi’ in Arabic), Jaffa, Jerusalem, and Haifa to construct public buildings, monuments, public parks, museums, and schools of higher education—such as the Salahiyya College in Jerusalem and Damascus. The expertise of German archeologists (such as Karl Watzinger) and museumologists (such as Theodor Wiegand), urban planners-architects (Max Zurcher, and Karl Watzinger) was sought by the pashas Enver and Cemal to initiate and implement many of these plans.¹⁴ This widespread use of German and Austrian experts in modernization schemes often created tensions within the Ottoman establishment—which increasingly surfaced during the war years. Their work often overshadowed the contributions of Arab and Turkish educators like Halide Edip, and architects such as Raghib al-Nashashibi, Sa’id al-Nashashibi, and Pascal Effendi Sarophim, the municipal engineer who built the Jaffa Gate clock tower in Jerusalem. The Nashashibis, for example, contributed significantly to the early planning of Beersheba as a garrison city and to the extension of waterworks in Jerusalem. The Great War was a catalyst for many of these projects, especially in the area of rail and road building but also a cause of declining services in the public sector—as military needs diverted many projects and resources intended to the serve the civilian public.

In the aftermath of military defeats (Suez, Beersheba, Gaza, and Jaffa) many of these public projects were seen retrospectively as Turkification schemes, meant to enhance imperial grander. Nevertheless they contributed significantly to the remaking of Palestine as a distinct entity within Ottoman Syria. Five developments will illustrate this geographic distinction: First was the development of Jerusalem not only as the seat of an independent Ottoman mutasarriflik but as the major administrative center for the northern regions as well. Second was the extension of the Damascus-Medina-Hijazi railroad system to link Palestinian urban centers internally, bringing Haifa, Jenin, Jaffa, Ramleh, Jerusalem, and Beersheba into the grid. Third was the building of new, or the expansion of hitherto underused, public squares as arenas of political assembly. This happened in Haifa (Telegram Square); Jerusalem (the clock tower in Jaffa Gate); Jaffa (Saraya Plaza); and Beersheba (Cemal Pasha Public Square). Fourth, the creation of the Imperial Museum of Antiquities in Jerusalem (1901–1917), as a precursor of the Palestine Museum, introduced the notion that the heritage of the region as a whole (Canaanite, Israelite, Roman, Byzantine, and Islamic) was a continuous base for the cultural patrimony of the Holy Land as well as that of the sultanate.¹⁵ And fifth was the creation of Jerusalem’s Salahiyya College as an institution of higher learning for the intelligentsia of southern Syria (and later of other parts of the non-Ottoman Islamic world, including India and Indonesia).

But how were those changes experienced at the local level? In many ways the city of Nablus was the most Ottoman of urban centers in southern Syria, in the sense that its elite were highly integrated into the agrarian economy of the empire in their capacity as feudal potentates and, later—with capitalization of agriculture—in the iltizam system of tax farming (the periodic auctioning of tax-farming contracts usually taking place in six-to-ten-year cycles). They also exhibited a high level of continuity in maintaining tax-farming rights, which circulated among a recurrent elite—the Jarrars, the Tuqans, the Abdulhadis, and the Aghas. During this period we encounter several Nabulsis among the inner circle of Sultan Abdul Hamid. Nablus was also unique among Palestinian cities in having a bona fide mercantile antifeudal party. In chapter 4, I examine the period of the constitutional revolution as a prelude to the Great War, interpreted by two eminent local historians of the life of Nablus, Muhammad Izzat Darwazeh and Ihsan al-Nimr. Here we encounter two contrasting perspectives on how the city potentates, its middle classes, and its artisans reacted to the removal of Sultan Abdul Hamid from power.

What is striking in this farcical moment was the strength of support for the old regime by the city’s merchants and artisans, and the general hostility toward the new freedoms promised by the Young Turks. Nimr attributes this hostility to the substantial autonomy enjoyed by the Nablus region during the earlier periods of Ottoman rule. The city was divided against itself during the Hamidian putsch against the Young Turks (1909), and a contingent of armed locals was sent to Istanbul to fight for the restoration of the old regime. During World War I, Nablus continued to exhibit support for the Ottoman war effort, and many Nablus soldiers chose to withdraw with the remnants of the Turkish army toward the north when the British and the Allied forces entered the city.

Christian Orthodoxy was a major force in the late nineteenth-century literary renaissance in the Arab East, as well as in the creation of a contentious radical intelligentsia in Palestine immediately before the Great War period. A significant ideational feature that was current among this intelligentsia was the belief that they represented the residual native progeny of the earlier cultures in the region, in particular Byzantine traditions, who had resisted Frankish invasions, Islamic hegemony, and Western missionary civilizing missions. Jurgi Zeidan, Mikhail Nu’aimi, and Yusif al-Hakim are the towering Syrian and Lebanese magnets of this current. In Palestine the names Najib Nassar, Issa al-Issa, Khalil Sakakini, Khalil Beidas, Kulthum Odeh, Bandali al-Juzeh, and Adele Azar are those of but a few intellectuals who laid the foundation of a humanist, nationalist, feminist, and socialist intellectual movement in Palestine at the turn of the nineteenth century. All of them belonged to the Eastern (Rumi) Orthodox Church through communal membership. And virtually all of them were secular to various degrees, some fiercely, and hostile to the ecclesiastical establishment for what they considered to be Hellenic hegemony over native rights. In chapter 5, I examine the meaning of this denominational affiliation in the conflict between two towering intellectuals of the war period. Yusif al-Hakim was a leading Syrian judge and public prosecutor in Jaffa and Jerusalem, and a significant force in the Arabization of the Antioch Orthodox Church. His nemesis during the years immediately before the war was Issa al-Issa—arguably the most important journalist in twentieth-century Palestine—who founded, published, and edited the Filastin daily paper (it was founded in 1911, suspended during the war, then published again until the 1950s). One of Hakim’s tasks as a public prosecutor was to apply the Ottoman press laws against talasun (religious blasphemy) and qadhf (defamation of character), which Issa was often accused of.

Issa and Hakim were on opposite sides in the ideological battles of the Ottoman constitutional movement. Hakim was a firm advocate of constitutionalism and an active member of the CUP, the leading Young Turks movement. In his memoirs he came close to writing an apologia for the regime of Cemal Pasha.¹⁶ Issa, on the other hand, while flirting with the early phases of Osmenlilik (Ottomanism), became a convinced advocate of decentralization and, later, secession from the sultanate. He was punished dearly by the regime, first through continued suspension of his paper, and later by imprisonment and exile to the Ankara region during the war. Issa was also a crusader for the Arabization of the Jerusalem church, unlike Hakim, who was on closer terms with the Greek hierarchy. What united both intellectuals was a rejection of the minority status of Arab Christians, and the implicit belief that Orthodoxy was a native doctrine with indigenous roots in Byzantine and Arab-Islamic culture. It is no accident that both Issa and Hakim at the end of the war became pillars of the Faisali movement and members of the first independent Arab government in Damascus in 1919—Issa as Prince Faisal’s private secretary, and Hakim as a minister in charge of the Public Works (Nafi’a) portfolio.

Chapter 6 discusses Muhammad Kurd Ali’s