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vasculature). This occurs when vessels expand in response to extraocular or intraocular (outside of, and within the eye, respectively) inflammation, or a passive accumulation of blood. The condition described in this medical article can affect both dog and cats. If
you would like to learn more about how red eye affects cats, please visit this page in the PetMD health library. Symptoms and Types The most common signs of red eye in dogs is redness and inflammation affecting one or
both eyes. There are various factors which may contribute to a dog's red eye, such as inflammation of the eyelid, cornea, sclera, conjunctiva, ciliary body, and iris. Other causes include: - Orbital disease - Hemorrhage at the front of the
eye - Hemorrhage within the eye from newly formed or existing blood vessels Your veterinarian will perform a complete physical exam on your pet, including a blood chemical profile, a complete blood count, a urinalysis and an electrolyte panel. You
will need to give a thorough history of your dog's health, an onset of its symptoms, and possible incidents that might have precipitated this condition. Red eye is often a visible symptom of an underlying systemic disease, sometimes of a
serious nature. Consequently, bloodwork is essential for ruling out or confirming an underlying disorder. In order to rule out cancer and infectious causes to the red eye, X-ray imaging can be used for visual inspection of the chest and abdomen.
Just as useful for diagnostic purposes are ultrasound images of the eye, which can be performed if the eye is opaque, and tonometry -- measurement of the pressure inside the eyes using a tonometer. If there is pus-like discharge from
the eye, or long-term disease of the eye, your veterinarian will perform an aerobic bacterial culture and sensitivity profile. Other tests your veterinarian may choose to perform are a Schirmer tear test to verify normal tear production; a cytologic (microscopic)
examination of cells from the eyelid, conjunctiva, and cornea; and a conjunctival biopsy (tissue sample) if there is chronic conjunctivitis or mass lesions. Fluorescein staining of the cornea, which uses a non-invasive dye to coat the eye, making abnormalities more
visible under light, can also be used for the detection of foreign material, ulceration, scratches, and other lesions on the surface of the dog's eye. Treatment will depend on the underlying cause of the ocular disorder, but generally, treatment will
be on an outpatient basis. In most cases, dogs will have an Elizabethan collar placed on them to prevent self-trauma to the eye. If deep corneal ulcers are found, or glaucoma is diagnosed, surgery may be necessary to repair the
eye. Living and Management Keep your dog in a clean, safe environment where it cannot injure its eye. Otherwise, schedule follow-up appointments with you to evaluate your pet’s progress. The outer layer of the eye that helps it to keep
its round shape; the eye white. Something that is related to the whole body and not just one particular part or organ An in-depth examination of the properties of urine; used to determine the presence or absence of illness A
product made of fluid, cell waste, and cells A type of instrument that is used to measure intraocular pressure The colored layer around the pupil A disorder that has resulted from intraocular pressure More blood than normal in a body
Released: August 13, 2008 Access, Information and Knowledge Hispanics and Health Care in the United States III. Utilization of a Usual Health Care Provider and Satisfaction with Health Care According to the survey results, more than one in four Latinos (27 percent) lack a regular health care provider.* Latinos are a diverse population, and a variety of factors need to
be considered to understand why some have regular providers and some don’t. Immigration and assimilation are factors, as large shares of Latinos born outside of the United States and those who speak little English lack regular health care. Socioeconomic factors, such as education, immigration and language, weigh heavily in creating these disparities. However, there is also a substantial share of
U.S.-born, fully assimilated Latinos in the ranks of those with no usual health care provider. Hispanics who are most likely to lack a usual place for health care include men (36 percent), the young (37 percent of those ages 18–29), and the less educated (32 percent of those lacking a high school diploma). Generally, Latinos who are less assimilated into
U.S. life are also at a disadvantage: 30 percent of those born outside of the 50 states, 32 percent of Spanish speakers and 43 percent of immigrants who are neither citizens nor legal permanent residents lack a regular health care provider. The uninsured are more than twice as likely (42 percent) as the insured (19 percent) to lack a usual
provider. Although lacking health insurance raises the likelihood of not having a usual health care provider, having health insurance in no way guarantees it. Of those without a usual source of health care, 45 percent have health insurance. Finally, even though the poorly educated and less assimilated are less likely to have a regular health care provider, they comprise only
a portion of the population that falls into this category. A sizeable proportion of those with no usual place for health care have at least a high school diploma (50 percent), are native born (30 percent), are proficient in English (52 percent) or are U.S. citizens (50 percent). Importance of Having a Usual Health Care Provider Usual Health Care Provider
Respondents are considered to have a “usual” or “regular” health care provider or place to receive health care if they: 1. Report that they have a place where they usually go to when they are sick or need advice about their health, and 2. This usual place is not a hospital emergency room Access to health care can be defined
in any number of ways, but one widely used approach is to consider whether a person reports having a usual place to seek health care and advice. As is common practice,13 we consider any respondents who report having a place, other than an emergency room, “where they usually go when they are sick or need advice about their health,” other
than an emergency room, as having a regular health care provider. We consider those who report having no usual place to obtain health care, or whose only usual place for health care is an emergency room, to be lacking a health care provider. Defined this way, having a usual provider correlates with preventive care and monitoring. And preventive care and
monitoring are both associated with better long-term health outcomes, including better control of chronic conditions. Among Hispanics with a regular health care provider, 86 percent report a blood pressure check in the past two years, while only 62 percent of those lacking a provider report this. While almost three-fourths of those with a usual place to get health care report
having their cholesterol checked in the past five years, fewer than half (44 percent) of those with no usual place have done so. Latinos generally are at heightened risk of diabetes, and three-fourths of those with a regular health care provider report having had a blood test to check this in the past five years, compared with only 49 percent
of those lacking a regular health care provider. Among already-diagnosed diabetics, it is especially noteworthy that, while 10 percent of those with a regular place for health care have not had a test to check their blood sugar in the past two years, this share jumps to 33 percent among those with no regular provider. The Likelihood of Having a
Usual Health Care Provider Our survey results find that 73 percent of respondents have a usual health care provider and that 27 percent of respondents lack a provider. Nativity and assimilation are both linked to the likelihood of having a regular health care provider. The lack of a regular health care provider varies markedly within the Latino population. For gender,
age and education, the patterns mimic those in the general population.1 Latino men (36 percent) are more likely to lack a regular health care provider than women (17 percent). Younger Hispanics are especially likely to lack a regular health care provider: 37 percent of those ages 18–29 do not have one. This statistic declines with age; among respondents ages 65
and older, only 13 percent lack a regular health care provider. Higher levels of education are clearly associated with a higher likelihood of having a usual place to obtain health care. Only 19 percent of Hispanics with at least some college education lack usual health care access. That rises to 27 percent for high school graduates, and to nearly one-third
(32 percent) for those with less than a high school diploma. Place of birth and assimilation also play a role in the likelihood of having a regular health care provider. While 22 percent of U.S.-born Latinos do not have a place where they usually go for medical care, this share increases to 30 percent among those born outside the 50
states. In general, less assimilated Hispanics are those most at risk of lacking a usual place for health care. Among naturalized and native-born Hispanic citizens, 21 to 22 percent lack a usual health care provider. That compares with 31 percent of legal permanent residents and 43 percent of immigrants who are neither citizens nor legal permanent residents. Among all Latino
immigrants, about half of recent arrivals—those in the country for less than five years—lack a usual place for health care, compared with 21 percent of those who have lived in the United States for at least 15 years. Hispanics who are predominantly Spanish speakers are much more likely to lack regular health care than their predominantly English-speaking counterparts (32 percent
versus 22 percent). Having health insurance is an important factor associated with having a usual place to obtain health care. While 42 percent of the uninsured lack a health care provider, only 19 percent of the insured do not have one. Getting Care Outside of the U.S. About one in 12 Hispanics (8 percent) in the U.S. have obtained medical
care, treatment or drugs in Latin America during the previous year, and one in six (17 percent) knows a family member or friend who has done so. Latinos who describe their recent medical care in the United States as only fair to poor are somewhat more likely to get medical services outside the country—11 percent have, compared with 6 percent
of those who describe their care in this country as excellent. Hispanics without health insurance also are more likely to have received care in another country. Of those without insurance, 11 percent did; of those with insurance, 7 percent did. Of Latinos with a regular provider in the U.S. medical system, 8 percent say they have gotten care abroad, compared
with 10 percent of those with no regular provider. Hispanics ages 65 and older are the least likely to seek care outside the United States (4 percent) and those ages 50–64 are the most likely (9 percent). Foreign-born Latinos are somewhat more likely (9 percent) than the native born (6 percent) to get medical care in Latin America, and those
from Mexico (10 percent) are more likely than non-Mexicans overall. A higher share of bilingual (10 percent) and Spanish-dominant (9 percent) Hispanics seek medical care in Latin America than do English speakers (4 percent). One in 10 people with at least some college education report getting recent treatment or drugs in Latin America, compared with single-digit percentages for those with
less education. Profile of Latinos Lacking a Usual Health Care Provider Who are the Hispanics who are not being reached by the health care system? This section looks at the characteristics of people who lack a usual health care provider. Most Hispanics who lack a provider are male (69 percent). The population also tends to be young: 41 percent are
18–29 years of age, and 43 percent are 30–49. As is expected, Hispanics with low educational attainment comprise a large proportion of those lacking a provider; 47 percent report having less than a high school diploma. The vast majority of those with no usual place for health care are of Mexican origin (69 percent), and an additional 11 percent are
of Central American origin. Of those Hispanics who have no usual place for health care, 45 percent have health insurance. Yet, what is also notable about those lacking a usual health care provider is the prevalence of Latinos whose characteristics suggest assimilation. While most Latinos who lack a provider are foreign born (70 percent), a full 30 percent were born
in the 50 states. Half of those lacking a usual place for health care are citizens. A sizeable minority of immigrants who lack regular health care (45 percent) have lived in the United States for fewer than 10 years, but the majority (52 percent) have lived in the United States for 10 years or more. On a similar note, a
slight majority of those with no usual health care provider is English-dominant or bilingual (52 percent). Finally, 45 percent of Hispanics who have no usual place for health care say they have health insurance. So though health insurance is correlated with usual care, it does not guarantee it. Why Don’t People Have a Usual Place for Health Care? The survey
asked respondents who lacked a usual place to get medical care or advice why they did not have one.* By far the most commonly cited reason was that they felt they did not need one because they are seldom sick (41 percent). An additional 13 percent report that they prefer to treat themselves than to seek help from medical doctors.
The next most prevalent set of responses relates to finances: 17 percent report that they lack health insurance, and 11 percent report that the cost of health care prevents them from having a regular health care provider. About 3 percent of Hispanics respond that difficulties navigating the health care system are to blame for their lack of a regular provider:
2 percent report that they do not know where to get regular health care, and about 1 percent reports that they were unable to find a provider who spoke their language. Finally, 3 percent say they prefer to go to a number of different health care providers, not just to one place, and 4 percent say they have just moved
to the area, so presumably have yet to establish a relationship with a provider. An overwhelming majority of Latinos believe that sick people should obtain treatment only from medical professionals, but a small minority say they seek health care from folk healers. Those who receive care from folk healers are slightly more likely to be U.S.-born than foreign born and
to speak mainly English, not Spanish. Asked whether they obtain care from a curandero, shaman or someone else with special powers to heal the sick, 6 percent of Hispanics say they do and 10 percent report that someone in their household receives such care. About one in 12 Hispanics born in the 50 states use folk medicine, compared with one
in 20 of those born in other countries or Puerto Rico. Similarly, one in 12 English-dominant Hispanics use folk medicine, as do one in 20 Spanish-dominant Latinos. Hispanics of Cuban ancestry (11 percent) are more likely to obtain such care than other Latino groups. Hispanics without health insurance or a usual place for care are no more likely to seek
folk care than those with health insurance or a usual place for care. Most Hispanics (87 percent) say that sick people should seek care only from medical professionals; only 8 percent say there is a role for folk medicine. Opinions about this echo usage patterns to some extent. Hispanics who speak English (14 percent), as well as those born in
the United States (12 percent), are the most likely to say there is a role for potions and folk healing. So are younger Hispanics, as well as those with at least some college education. Quality of Health Care While visiting a health care provider is important, the perceived quality of care received during health care visits is equally important. To
good. At the other extreme, 17 percent say their care was only fair, and 4 percent report poor care. In general, more educated Latinos, and those who have access to the medical system, give better evaluations of the quality of their medical care than do Latinos with lower education levels, no insurance or no regular source of care. Women are
more likely than men to say their recent medical care was good or excellent, 80 percent to 74 percent. Eighty-one percent of the college-educated report being satisfied with their care, as compared with 75 percent of people lacking a high school diploma. Having health insurance or a usual health care provider is associated with better perceived quality of care. Among
Hispanics with health insurance, 80 percent rate their care as good to excellent; among the uninsured, 70 percent do. Similarly, 80 percent of Latinos who have a usual health care provider rate their care as good to excellent, compared with 64 percent who have no usual provider. Among those with a usual provider, Hispanics who usually get care in doctors’
offices give higher ratings than those who go to medical clinics. Fully four in 10 who go to a doctor’s office rate their care as excellent, compared with 27 percent of those who get care from a clinic. Generally, nativity and assimilation are not strongly associated with perceived quality of care. However, a mismatch between a Hispanic’s primary language and
the language spoken at his or her appointment lowered the satisfaction ratings somewhat. For example, 30 percent of Spanish speakers whose appointments usually are conducted in English rate their care fair to poor, compared with 19 percent of those whose appointments are in Spanish. Reasons for Poor Treatment Respondents were also queried as to whether they had received poor service
at the hands of a health care professional in the past five years. Those 23 percent who said they had received poor treatment were asked about four potential reasons. The largest share of Hispanics (31 percent) cited their inability to pay as the reason for poor treatment, followed by their race or ethnicity (29 percent), their accent or how they
speak English (23 percent) and their medical history (20 percent). Respondents who lacked health insurance, or a usual health care provider, were especially likely to claim that their inability to pay, their race, or their language skills contributed to their poor treatment. Forty-one percent of Hispanics with no usual place for health care, and 53 percent of Hispanics with no
health insurance, reported that their inability to pay contributed to poor treatment. In comparison, 27 percent of Latinos with a usual provider reported as much, as did 20 percent of Latinos with health insurance. Thirty-eight percent of Latinos with no usual provider and 34 percent of those with no health insurance reported that their race contributed to poor treatment by
medical professionals, as compared to 25 percent of those with a usual provider and 26 percent of those with health insurance. Thirty-two percent of Latinos who lacked either health insurance or a usual provider reported that their accent or poor English skills led to poor treatment, while 20 percent of the insured and those with a usual provider reported as
much. Other groups more likely than Hispanics overall to cite a lack of money as a reason for poor treatment include immigrants who aren’t citizens or legal permanent residents (45 percent), Spanish speakers (38 percent) and Latinos who did not graduate from high school (41 percent). Among the groups that are more likely than Hispanics overall to cite race as
a reason they were treated poorly are Spanish speakers (36 percent), and noncitizens (38 percent of legal permanent residents and 35 percent of immigrants who are not citizens or legal permanent residents). Among the groups most likely to cite language as the reason they received poor care are Hispanics with less than a high school education (37 percent), immigrants (33
percent) and those who mainly speak Spanish (43 percent). Medical history is given as a reason for poor care by a somewhat higher share of older Hispanics (25 percent) and those whose primary language is Spanish (25 percent). - Pleis JR, and Lethbridge-Cejku M. “Summary Health Statistics for U.S. Adults: National Health Interview Survey, 2006.” National Center for Health Statistics
11/22/2006 - As we approach this Thanksgiving, all of us who care about the nation's environment have a few things for which to be thankful - and it's not only the new menu being served up in Washington. Despite recent
challenges, environmentalists can celebrate success on a cornucopia of issues from climate change to ocean protection.While the toast will be made with a glass that's only half full, these victories can be relished in the warm company of some new
and unlikely friends of conservation, whose support for sound stewardship was the critical ingredient in this year's accomplishments. It may have taken Hurricane Katrina, melting of polar ice caps, drought and wildfires, and a popular movie by former Vice President
Al Gore, but the nation finally seems ready to tackle the "inconvenient truth" of global warming. In August, California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger signed into law a measure establishing the most ambitious greenhouse gas reduction goal in the country, requiring the
state to reduce its emissions 25 percent by 2020. Similarly, seven governors in the Northeast, tired of inaction at the federal level, agreed to a regional initiative that creates the nation's first mandatory cap-and-trade program for carbon dioxide. In July,
President Bush surprised many by designating the Northwestern Hawaiian Islands a national monument, creating the world's largest marine reserve. The area, which covers 140,000 square miles of ocean, contains nearly 70 percent of the tropical coral reefs in U.S. waters
and is home to 7,000 species of terrestrial and marine life, including the last of the endangered Hawaiian monk seals. Wilderness - the gold standard for land protection - made a remarkable resurgence in 2006, enjoying a level of bipartisan
support that rivals that which made possible the passage of the 1964 Wilderness Act. This session, Congress has passed legislation to designate more than a half-million acres of wilderness, including 76,000 acres of majestic and biologically rich habitat in New
England's White and Green Mountain National Forests. Environmentalists also put on a defensive display worthy of football's best Thanksgiving Day rivalries. Drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge was once again thwarted, a Bush administration proposal to sell more than
300,000 acres of national forestland to fund a rural schools program was sacked, while a federal court rebuked - at least temporarily - the Forest Service's attempt to jettison the Roadless Area Conservation Rule, which protects almost one-third of the
nation's last undeveloped forests. Cornerstone conservation measures such as the Endangered Species Act and the National Environmental Protection Act also will live to see another day, narrowly escaping a blitz by special interests to dismantle them. Whether on offense or
defense, environmentalists didn't go it alone. It's been a team effort, with a roster of diverse players who no longer believe they can sit on the sidelines. Consider, for example, farmers and ranchers, faced with years of severe drought, now
are urging lawmakers to address global warming. Hunters and anglers, concerned about loss of wildlife habitat, particularly in the Rocky Mountains, are calling for more measured approaches to drilling and development. The voices of Rotary and Sierra Club members are
nearly indistinguishable when it comes to protection of wilderness and local landscapes. Prominent religious leaders can be heard from both the pulpit and podium seeking action on climate change and extolling the virtues of being sound stewards of God's resources.
Indigenous peoples, understanding that conserving natural resources means saving native culture, have re-emerged as important environmental allies, as they demonstrated most recently in the establishment of the Hawaiian marine reserve. Washington may have some new cooks in the kitchen, but
the recipe for success shouldn't change. Most agree that the 110th Congress will be a moderate one, filled with new members, elected by slim margins, who will gravitate toward advancing more modest measures that enjoy diverse, bipartisan support. Environmental issues
will be no exception. Conservation will continue to be best served by careful selection of priorities, cooperative efforts and timely compromise. Remembering this will go a long to way to ensuring that our toasts on future Thanksgivings will not be
made with a glass that is half full, but with a cup that runneth over. Jane Danowitz is senior officer in the environment program at The Pew Charitable Trusts. This op-ed also appeared in the Billings Gazette.
Don’t let students wing it – have them design CO2 dragsters using engineering concepts. This guide starts the process by teaching them about the engineering design process. As they work through the activities and design their own dragsters, students will
learn about: Using the knowledge gained, they then complete two challenges that test their ability to evaluate and make design changes to improve their vehicles. Student materials in the guide are reproducible for distribution in your classroom. Use this guide
as a supplement or use the series as the base for an engineering design course. Author: William Holden Publisher: Pitsco, Inc. Series: The Engineered Dragster We've detected that your current browser settings will hinder your browsing this site. The problematic
The Cariboo Highway (Highway 97) largely follows the route of the Cariboo Trail and Cariboo Waggon Road, which led from Lillooet to the gold-rush regions in the Cariboo Mountains. However, the present Cariboo Highway 97 begins at the TransCanada Highway near Cache Creek and connects the latter with Yellowhead Highway further to the north near Prince George, a distance of 445 km (276 mi.).
From there it is known as the "John Hart Highway" and continues further north to create a link between the TransCanada Highway and Vancouver and Dawson Creek, where the Alaska Highway begins. In a southerly direction the Highway initially follows the TransCanada Highway eastwards, then turns off with three alternative routes into Okanagan Valley and links up with the east-west link road, Crowsnest Highway
(Highway 3; see entry), which runs near to the U.S. - Canadian border.The first gold-seekers, on hearing news of great finds of gold in the interior of British Columbia, came north from California, initially following the rocky Cariboo Trail along the Fraser River. In 1862 the governor of the province, Sir James Douglas, had a road 6 m (20 ft) wide and 640 km
(400 mi.) long laid into the interior to take wagons and ox-carts; by 1865 it was completed as far as the Barkerville goldfields. Several travelers' rests were built along the way; names such as "100 Mile House" or "150 Mile House" still remind us of these mainly modest stations which have long since disappeared.Although the new Waggon Road actually started in Yale, skirted Lillooet
and did not meet the old Cariboo Trail until it reached Clinton, for some curious reason the miles were counted starting from Lillooet which, following the boom period in the early 1860s, had lost much of its importance. In Lillooet, which today lies 75 km (47 mi.) west of Highway 97, there is a tablet recalling the "0" miles mark of the old Cariboo
Waggon Road. Running from Prince George to Dawson Creek, the Hart-Peace River Highway is the northernmost east-west route across the Rockies. 100 Mile House, Canada 100 Mile House (930 m (3052 ft)), a center for the remote ranches round about and the site of two modern saw-mills, gets its name from the old Cariboo Waggon Road. This is where the "100 Mile Roadhouse" was
opened in 1862. One of the original red Bernard's Express mail coaches stands in front of the Red Coach Inn as a reminder of the past. In 1912 the Marquess of Exeter purchased more than 6000 ha (15,000 acres) of land around here for his extensive Bridge Creek Ranch, which the family still owns.The historical 108 Mile House, 13 km (8 mi.) north of
here, is currently a Heritage Site Museum. Clinton (887 m (2912 ft)), originally called "47 Mile House", was an important traffic junction during the Cariboo gold-rush. In 1861 a road led from here via Pavilion Mountain to Lillooet; today it is a gravel road usable only in summer. Clinton has so far retained the atmosphere of a pioneering town, and a number of the
"19th c.-type" ranches take in paying guests.At 1419 Cariboo Highway stands the old brick-built schoolhouse dating from 1892; today it houses the South Cariboo Historical Museum. Its exhibits reflect the pioneering period and the old Waggon Road. The many lakes in the vicinity are very popular with anglers. Williams Lake, Canada The town of Williams Lake (586 m / 1923 ft) lies in the
center of the Cariboo region. As well as the timber industry, cattle-rearing and mining of copper molybdenum, tourism - with the attractions of fishing and hunting - plays an ever more important role.In the vicinity of Williams Lake can be found numerous traces of the gold-rush period and the Williams Lake Museum at 1148 Broadway provides information about this. A special attraction is a
small reactivated gold-mine.Each year, on the first week-end in July, one of Canada's larger rodeos, the Williams Lake Stampede, takes place here. Access to the western part of Wells Gray Provincial Park is by way of an 88 km (55 mi.) long approach road. The 35 km (22 mi.) long Canim Lake, charmingly situated in the mountains, and Mahood Lake - which is 19
km (12 mi.) long, with a camp site at its western end, and forms part of the provincial park - are very popular with canoeing enthusiasts.Mahood and Canim River Falls, together with Deception Falls, are favorites with walkers. Lac la Hache In recent years tourist facilities (including boat-hire) have sprung up along the 19 km (12 mi.) long Lac La Hache with its beautiful
bathing beaches.There is a small community of Lac La Hache, self described as being the longest town in the Cariboo. Some of the attractions in the area include the Lac la Hache Museum, Lac La Hache Provincial Park, and Moose Valley Provincial Park.Lac La Hache is a popular summer destination with travellers and others who live in the region as well.
Beyond No Child Left Behind: Value-Added Assessment of Student Progress Publication Date: October 2008 Publisher(s): National Center for Policy Analysis (U.S.) Keywords: education; value-added; student progress; assessment The federal No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) requires each state to evaluate every public school annually, and to make adequate yearly progress toward helping all students meet or exceed state standards in reading and math by
Even in places where potable drinking water is scarce, some kind of water is ofter obtainable--even if it’s the stuff that usually ends up in the latrine. SiGNa Chemistry Inc. is taking advantage of the hydrogen in that water with
a new portable canister that can power a small fuel cell to juice up mobile electronics on the go. Think of it as fuel for a fuel cell; just add water. Five amazing, clean technologies that will set us free,
in this month's energy-focused issue. Also: how to build a better bomb detector, the robotic toys that are raising your children, a human catapult, the world's smallest arcade, and much more.